Arjun autobiography hits out at Rao, steers clear of Nehru-Gandhi

Discussion in 'Politics & Society' started by Ray, Jul 3, 2012.

  1. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

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    There are no great men, only great challenges that ordinary men are forced by circumstances to meet.

    Arjun Singh, is hardly the correct person to comment on Rao, because Arjun Singh was but a toadying sycophant and a self preservation expert. That is why he was surprised he was not taken into the Cabinet, notwithstanding his having sold his soul and conscience to the Satrap!
     
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  3. Oracle

    Oracle New Member

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    Arjun Singh sickens me. He is the slave-de-harem of the Gandhi family. Isn't he the one who increased the percentage of reservations?
     
  4. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

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    Controversies

    Bhopal Gas Tragedy

    Arjun Singh was the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh when the deadly gas leak from the Union Carbide factory occurred. It is widely alleged that on the fateful night between December 2, 1984 and December 3, 1984, when the gas leak occurred, Arjun Singh fled to his Kerwa Dam palace (outside Bhopal) to save himself from deadly effects of leaked gas and was not available to manage the crisis or lead the administration. Subsequently the Arjun Singh government's mishandling was criticized by the court in the 7 June 2010 verdict on Bhopal Gas Disaster pronounced by the Chief Judicial Magistrate, Bhopal. The media raised serious questions about his role in the release of Warren Anderson.[2] In particular, the pilot of the aircraft in which Warren Anderson flew out of India after the gas leak, has recorded that the final sanction to permit the flight came from Arjun Singh's office.

    Reservation controversy

    Additional controversy was created in 2005 by drafting the proposed 104th Amendment Bill to the constitution, which subsequently became the 93rd Amendment. According to this amendment, which has yet to pass the 'Basic Structure' test of constitutionality by the Supreme Court, all private unaided educational institutes could be asked by their State Governments to reserve seats for designated Other Backward Classes. In early 2006, Singh also sought to increase caste-based reservation quotas for the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in the internationally reputed Indian Institutes of Technology and Indian Institutes of Management, along with other Indian central government run institutes of higher studies, from 22.5% to 49.5%. Arjun Singh planned to impose quotas not just in 32 Central institutions, but also in over 100 deemed universities.

    He noted, in the context of Dalit Muslim reservations that "the UPA is entirely committed towards the cause of Muslims".These decisions were sighted by many intellectuals as a shameless move to garner the vote bank of the backward classes of Hindus as well as Muslims. Nationwide protests came out in the wake of these eccentric decisions. However the UPA-I government did not succumb to these protests. The opposition parties fearing losing their own vote banks agreed to the draft amendment too.

    Churhat lottery case and Kerwa Dam palace

    While Arjun Singh was the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, he was involved in the scandal which was called by some the Churhat Lottery case. The Churhat Children Welfare Society was floated in 1982 by relatives of Singh, and permitted to raise funds via lottery, and also given tax relief as a charity. However, there were widespread allegations that a substantial sums were siphoned off and used to construct the lavish Kerwa Dam palace near Bhopal. The donations to the society included a Rs 150,000 donation from Union Carbide, whose chief Warren Anderson was permitted to leave the country after the gas leak, allegedly by Arjun Singh's office.

    At a public litigation hearing the high court observed that "Arjun Singh owed an explanation to the nation about the costs and sources of construction of the palatial mansion in Bhopal". While Singh had claimed the value of the palace was Rs 18 lakh, the IT Department estimated the cost at above Rs one crore. However, a one-judge commission investigating the scandal gave a clean chit to Arjun Singh. The case was re-opened however, after the Jain Hawala case, and Singh was asked to submit fresh re-estimates of the palace cost. In court, the case was argued by Kapil Sibal and the order for re-examination was squashed on the grounds that it had been issued in a haste and "had not applied his mind".

    Other controversies

    After the Mumbai train bombings of 2006, he reportedly quoted at a Cabinet meeting the statements of a former judge of the Maharashtra High Court that an earlier attempt on the headquarters of the Hindu revivalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in Nagpur had been a plot set into motion by the Sangh itself. This followed his denouncement of the Ekal Vidyalayas, one-teacher schools run for the benefit of the tribals of India by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad., as communal.

    A case under the Anti-Dowry Act has been registered against Arjun Singh. Mayawati government has decided to seek CBI inquiry into dowry harassment case.

    Arjun Singh was accused of irregularities and corruption in the grant of Deemed University status to private for-profit educational institutions which did not meet requisite educational standards, during his tenure as Minister for Human Resources Development. The Government of India initiated proceedings to repeal the "Deemed University" status of 44 such institutions in Jan 2010.
     
  5. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

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    Exclusive excerpts from Arjun Singh's autobiography


    New Delhi: These are excerpts from the new autobiography by Congress leader Arjun Singh, A Grain of Sand in the Hourglass of Time. The book (Hay House Publishers, India) will be available in bookstores in India starting next week for Rs. 599.

    THE DEMOLITION IN AYODHYA AND ITS IMPACT

    When I realized that my letters addressed to the prime minister were not even being acknowledged, I felt as if I was banging my head against a wall. A Congress member, who was privileged to become the prime minister of the Indian Republic on the basis of the party's support, seemed to be totally oblivious to all the high principles and ideals that had guided (and continued to guide) the great organization. I then decided that the time had come to speak my mind, whatever be the risk involved. I sent a letter to Jitendra Prasada (from Uttar Pradesh), political secretary to the prime minister and his 'conscience keeper'. Copies of this letter were circulated to the AICC members, all Congress MPs/MLAs (members of legislative assemblies), all PCCs presidents and CLP leaders. I am not aware of precisely what was the impact of this letter on the Congress top brass, but I do know for certain that it sent ripples through the rank and file of the party. Had such a letter made the rounds in the pre-independence period, the entire party would have focused attention on it. In the present times, when the culture of sycophancy was prevalent and power was all that mattered, there was no apparent reaction, but ultimately the party suffered a serious setback in that its image among the people was besmirched.


    Having reached a dead end with the prime minister, I decided to go to Ayodhya on the night of 3 December 1992 to see the ground realities myself. I was scheduled to board the Lucknow Mail (which was to leave late in the night) to reach the capital of Uttar Pradesh and then take another train to Ayodhya after a break in journey. Mine was not a secret visit, but it was not a publicized one either. I was surprised when, at the New Delhi Railway Station, I received an urgent message from the prime minister that I should call him immediately. This development came as a surprise to me because all my letters had not been even acknowledged and my suggestions and warnings had not been taken seriously by him and now he was suddenly reaching out to me, of all places, on a railway platform! My first reaction was that I would politely inform him that I was going to Ayodhya and would meet him on my return to Delhi. On second thoughts, I felt there was no harm in listening to what he had to say. It was quite a scene at the railway station because the news had already been leaked that the prime minister was trying to get in touch with me. I quickly went to the station master's room and rang up the prime minister (this was the pre-mobile phone era). He was in a very agitated mood and wanted to know why I was going to Ayodhya without his permission or directions from him. I replied that as a minister I was free to travel to any part of the country and I was going to Ayodhya to see for myself what exactly was happening there. He could not straightaway tell me not to go, but wanted to imply this nonetheless. I then told him that my train was about to leave and if there was anything urgent, he should tell me now and that I would come back after two days. He then asked me that to meet the Uttar Pradesh chief minister, Kalyan Singh (belonging to the BJP), during my stopover at Lucknow to find out what he was planning to do. I told him that, personally, I had no intention of meeting Kalyan Singh, but if the prime minister so desired, I would meet him and ascertain his plans. He then said: 'Yes, at least on this occasion you be my emissary.'

    I reached Delhi on 4 December evening. The next morning I met Narasimha Rao and reported verbatim the details of my conversation with Kalyan Singh. Rao pretended to be listening attentively, but I got the impression that he was not taking the entire issue very seriously. It appeared as if I were describing an inconsequential meeting with some minor functionary. When I had finished, the prime minister asked me: 'What is your own assessment of the situation?' I replied: 'You did not allow me to move out of Lucknow, so what assessment can I give you?' He then tried to probe further: 'No, no, I know you have your sources and I want to know what is the shape of things to come.' I then told him very frankly that the Babri mosque was going to be demolished. This news definitely shook him and he wanted to dispute my claim, but, on second thoughts, he kept quiet. In a somewhat agitated frame of mind, he started thinking aloud about the repercussions if the mosque were to be brought down. He then suddenly exclaimed that this would have 'a very bad impact on the Congress Party', which was stating the obvious. At that point, I could not contain myself and told him bluntly that 'we have turned a blind eye' to the machinations of the BJP and the other pro-Hindutva outfits. He then queried: 'When could this [demolition] happen?' I responded: 'This could happen any day.' Even I did not realize that the Babri mosque would be demolished the very next day (6 December 1992).

    On the night of 6 December 1992, the prime minister addressed the nation over national TV and radio. The underlying theme of his speech was that Kalyan Singh did not honour his commitment (to the Supreme Court) to protect the Babri Masjid. I could not ascertain the extent to which he was able to convince the people regarding the Central Government's stand. The demolition came as a great shock to millions of Indians, especially to those belonging to the largest minority community, i.e., Muslims, who had reposed their faith and trust in the party that once had leaders of the stature of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, hailed as votaries of secularism. The fact remained that we, as Congressmen, had failed the nation and had to pay a heavy price for our ineptitude in the next general elections held in April-May 1996 when the Congress was voted out of power.


    Exclusive excerpts from Arjun Singh's autobiography | NDTV.com
     
  6. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

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    Arjun Singh, Indian Politician
    Arjun Singh is an Indian politician and a member of Indian National Congress who received the Outstanding Parliamentarian Award in the year 2000.




    Arjun Singh was a prominent figure in the Indian political domain and a member of the Indian National Congress. He was also the former Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh. Singh was the Union Minister of Human Resource Development in the Manmohan Singh Government from 2004-09. Arjun Singh was associated with the Churhat Jagir under ex-Princely State of Rewa, in Madhya Pradesh. He had introduced reservation systems for the backward class people. Singh had become minister first in the P.V. Narasimha Rao government in 1991. But he resigned from the position after the Babri Mosque demolition.

    Early Life of Arjun Singh

    Arjun Singh was born on 5th November 1930 in Madhya Pradesh to father Rao Shiv Bahadur Singh and mother Mohini Devi. He belonged to a Jagirdaar family, as his father was a Former Jagirdaar of Churhat Jagir under Ex Princely State of Rewa. His father was sent to jail in 1950 for forging documents. He was sentenced to three years imprisonment and he died in jail in 1953.

    Political Career of Arjun Singh

    Arjun Singh formed the All India Indira Congress along with Narayan Dutt Tiwari, former Union minister and Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand. The newly formed party by Arjun Singh lost at the Lok Sabha Elections of the year 1996. He returned to the Congress party and lost again from Hoshangabad District in Madhya Pradesh. He served three times as Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, Union minister and Governor of Punjab once for a short period. In April 2000, Arjun Singh got elected for Rajya Sabha. Arjun Singh was the Human Resource Development Minister in the Government of Dr. Manmohan Singh from 2004-09. Singh has been intimately consociated with various social and cultural organisations with his keen interest in social work. Here are the positions held by Arjun Singh in an orderly manner.

    Arjun Singh has played a significant role to ensure the reservation of the backward castes. According to the 104th Amendment Bill, the State Government can ask all private unassisted educational institutes to reserve seats for designated Other Backward Classes. In early 2006, Singh attempted to increase caste-based reservation quotas for the supposed Other Backward Classes in the internationally esteemed Indian Institutes of Technology and Indian Institutes of Management, along with other Indian central government run institutes of higher studies, from 22.5% to 49.5%. Arjun Singh also suggested that overall seats be modified over a short period of time in order to mollify the general category students, so that the absolute number of general category seats remains the same. Arjun Singh was also involved in social work and remained associated with various social and cultural organizations supporting the cause.

    For his immense contribution to Indian Politics, Arjun Singh was awarded the `Outstanding Parliamentarian Award` for the year 2000.

    Arjun Singh, Indian Politician
     

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