8 Indian states have more poor than 26 poorest African nations

Discussion in 'Politics & Society' started by GokuInd, Jul 12, 2010.

  1. GokuInd

    GokuInd Regular Member

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    8 Indian states have more poor than 26 poorest African nations

    PTI, Jul 12, 2010, 04.18pm IST
    LONDON: Acute poverty prevails in eight Indian states, including Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal, together accounting for more poor people than in the 26 poorest African nations combined, a new 'multidimensional' measure of global poverty has said.

    The new measure, called the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI), was developed and applied by the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative with UNDP support.

    It will be featured in the forthcoming 20 th anniversary edition of the UNDP Human Development Report.

    An analysis by MPI creators reveals that there are more 'MPI poor' people in eight Indian states (421 million in Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal) than in the 26 poorest African countries combined (410 million).

    The new poverty measure that gives a multidimensional picture of people living in poverty, and is expected to help target development resources more effectively, its creators said.

    The MPI supplants the Human Poverty Index, which had been included in the annual Human Development Reports since 1997.

    The 2010 UNDP Human Development Report will be published in late October, but research findings from the Multidimensional Poverty Index were made available today at a policy forum in London and on line on the websites of OPHI and the UNDP Human Development Report.

    The MPI assesses a range of critical factors or 'deprivations' at the household level: from education to
    health outcomes to assets and services.

    Taken together, these factors provide a fuller portrait of acute poverty than simple income measures, according to OPHI and UNDP.

    The measure reveals the nature and extent of poverty at different levels: from household up to regional, national and international level.

    This new multidimensional approach to assessing poverty has been adapted for national use in Mexico, and is now being considered by Chile and Colombia.

    "The MPI is like a high resolution lens which reveals a vivid spectrum of challenges facing the poorest households," said OPHI Director Dr Sabina Alkire, who created the MPI with Professor James Foster of George Washington University and Maria Emma Santos of OPHI.

    The UNDP Human Development Report Office is also joining forces with OPHI to promote international discussions on the practical applicability of this multidimensional approach to measuring poverty.
     
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  3. Yusuf

    Yusuf GUARDIAN Administrator

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    Yes there is poverty in many states due to lack of good governance in those states as mentioned. Not sure of the numbers though. 430 million people is roughly 40-50% of Indias population and i am sure not all of the people in that region are poor.
     
    Last edited: Jul 12, 2010
  4. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

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    While there is no doubt that there is much to be desired that requires improvement for the population in India, yet statistical model can be structured to reveal/ hide depending on one's agenda.

    While I am not an apologist for Bengal, yet it is one of the States where the cost of living quite cheap compared to other areas of India. That does not however absolves the government of Bengal to not make Shining Bengal and then Incredible Bengal :happy_2:
     
  5. Yusuf

    Yusuf GUARDIAN Administrator

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    I love calcutta for that reason. Things are so bloody cheap there. The only thing which is at par with Bangalore i think is the taxi fare. Imagine you rent an 800 sqft shop on NS Road for Rs 400 a month. That is ridiculous. Same thing here in Bangalore would cost you a cool 50k a month!!
    Definition of poverty not only varies from country to country but from state to state and even city to city.
     
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  6. ganesh177

    ganesh177 Regular Member

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    Not sure what is wrong with TOI these days. This survey looks flawed at different level.
     
  7. thakur_ritesh

    thakur_ritesh Administrator Administrator

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    the survey has not been done by the ToI nor the report was compiled by them, they have just carried the report.

    it is a reality, in india we have poverty worse than sub saharan africa, so are the other economic indicators and HDI! by the way would you mind pointing out the flaws and back them up with reliable sources. thanks.
     
  8. ajtr

    ajtr Veteran Member Veteran Member

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    India’s Demographic Tsunami

    A think tank report warns that India is poised on the brink of anarchy, that we could hurtle very fast into an ungovernable mess. Worst case scenario? But highly plausible. The signs are all around us.

    BY Sudeep Chakravarti EMAIL AUTHOR(S)

    FORECAST

    By 2020, India’s urban population would have risen from 285 million currently to 540 million
    The Kesroli Group is a modest-sized, close-knit think tank of top professionals from the world of business, finance, policy, public affairs, media and non-government organisations, comprising Indian citizens and those of Indian origin under the age of 50. In late 2009, key members initiated discussions on ongoing and impending situations with a view to generating awareness and solution-oriented discussion with what one member with extensive consulting experience termed “thought triggers”. The idea was that eventually these would contribute to policy and implementation that seek to make India a better place.

    India’s Demographic Tsunami derives from that exercise. This section, titled ‘A Modified Internal Geography’, assumes all the ‘upside’ stories about India, from the growth of the economy and purchasing power to greater relevance in the global arena; these have generally tended to fuel exuberance and dampen realism to the point of delusion.

    And so, this paper also assumes the ‘downside’, bad news that continues to escalate with the good, and the continuation of endemic corruption and official callousness that haven’t yet been dented by the gradual spread of instruments such as the Right to Information Act; and increasing political maturity of the electorate. Polity, government, administration and, to an extent, business, will for the sake of palatable expediency continue to ignore no-brainer solutions that have repeatedly, for decades, been suggested by some of the best minds from India and overseas.

    Several of India’s hard-won gains locally and globally appear to be threatened in the near and medium-term future. It is becoming increasingly clear that, unless addressed quickly and emphatically, India’s inherent national crisis will witness greater churn in the next 25 years. There is reason to be concerned that this churn could, quite easily, extend to the next 50.

    This churn will mainly be on account of population pressure; mismatch of aspiration and reality; and roots of conflict such as caste-related and tribal alienation. In the foreseeable future, India will also continue to have to deal with several violent reactions and movements that, like the present cycle of Maoist rebellion, will be rooted in issues of right to livelihood; defence of property; delivery of law and order; and justice. India’s embedded corruption will continue to exacerbate these lamentable deficiencies.

    In addition, there is a high possibility of continuing identity-related conflict, especially in northeastern India. Several of these issues are likely to be influenced by external factors, such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, China, and in the foreseeable future, Nepal and Myanmar.

    While in several instances these could be state-mandated—such as Pakistan, China and Bangladesh’s on-again, off-again policies of destabilising various aspects of India—there is the equally high possibility of change and churn in neighbouring countries directly affecting the internal dynamics of contiguous areas in present-day India. For instance, a breakdown in Nepal’s political and social fabric will directly affect the bordering present-day Indian states of Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal. Or, a huge displacement of population in Bangladesh on account of a rise of sea levels or population will directly impact the neighbouring present-day Indian states of West Bengal, Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Mizoram.


    In both cases, there will be an export of people, politics and religious beliefs into areas of India already stretched due to their own resource pressures and deep feelings of an imminent takeover by ‘outsiders’ glaringly evident in the present day.

    Even a medium intensity progression along these lines is likely to lead to conditions of implosion of the Indian State—in form and substance—as we know it today. While this has obvious ramifications for the state of the nation and India’s internal security horizon, India’s ‘health’ will continue to affect the country’s external behaviour, from diplomatic efforts to security initiatives and responses.

    Such a crisis-ridden state, as outlined above, could be significantly closer than might appear. Consider the challenges.

    HOW WILL WE FEED SO MANY PEOPLE?
    In 2020, just over a decade from now, India’s urban population will have gone up from around 23 per cent of the total at present to 40 per cent. In absolute numbers, this would mean a shoot up from 285 million to 540 million—an immense challenge, even with a rapidly growing economy. Alongside, while the proportion of rural population would lessen, it would still be in the region of 820 million. The same area, 350 million more people, and around the same number of new jobs to be created. As for feeding them: foodgrain production would have to increase to 260 million tonnes a year, up from the present 190-200 million tonnes, using roughly the same amount of arable land.

    This is mild compared to the scenario closer to 2050. India’s foodgrain requirement would then be an estimated 400 million tonnes a year for a population in excess of 1.5 billion. According to an estimate, the ‘replacement level’ (a couple replaced by two children) should ideally have been reached by 2000. This ‘stabilisation’ of population is unlikely to be reached till the close of this century.

    At current levels of incapable irrigation, uneven agricultural productivity, and increased rates of rural displacement on account of direct human intervention (watershed and water-table loss, deforestation), this could prove impossible. There will be no recourse but to import vast quantities of food, but what of the effect of people ‘on the move’ with nowhere to go but crushed urban and semi-urban zones? Human displacement will be on a scale bigger than anything seen thus far in India.

    India would need to provide productive opportunities for nearly 600 million people who are now aged 30 or less, in an environment of shrinking agricultural activity, massive leakage of development funds in rural, semi-urban and urban areas, and continual overburdening of urban spaces.

    In this situation, India will be further hampered by the official and policymaking tendency to play percentages and not absolute numbers:

    THE NUMBERS ARE SCARY
    One per cent in India equals more than 10 million people—and will soon equal 15 million.

    An estimated 50 million live in urban slums. This number will dramatically increase, through the creation of new slums.

    Estimates of those displaced by projects since India’s Independence average 50 million. Of these, a majority have been resettled, but not rehabilitated. Ongoing displacement will get more acute.

    India’s landless rural peasantry is estimated in the range of 18-20 million. This will increase with further fracturing of landholding, and destitution on account of non-family issues (indebtedness; crop failure; non-remunerative pricing; cheaper imports; rising input costs on account of ‘terminator’ seeds and chemical fertilisers.)

    A 10,000-strong armed Maoist cadre may appear minuscule when dealt within the blinding framework of percentages, but it is prudent to remember that it took 19 people and a relatively small logistics team to bring down the World Trade Centre towers, among other attacks, and trigger the nearly decade-long ‘Global War Against Terror’.

    In ‘urban’ and ‘industrial’ spaces, India will need to absorb a vast, continually increasing workforce. The incidence of physical emigration for work or change of residence will dramatically lessen as traditional overseas ‘buyers’ of manpower look to replace such human resources with their own. Outsourcing or back-office employment is finite.

    India’s growth of population and construct of education combine to ensure a disturbing spillover of the unemployed and the unemployable: a population that is increasingly vulnerable to radicalisation—from religious to the ideological.

    Together, these problems represent vast pools of negative energy in the country, and there is little doubt that these problems are worsening.

    INDIA’S MAP WILL CHANGE
    By whatever name, manifestations of this negative energy, extreme left-wing movements or otherwise, will increase. Urban areas will see the emergence of livelihood-related violence that is currently being leveraged in several Indian cities around issues of ethnic identity and religion.

    Several Northeastern states are in a condition of violent flux. The question of Jammu & Kashmir is, of course, a vastly disquieting matter (along with global, radical Islamism).

    Current policy initiatives are worrying, as these are not oriented towards solutions, but towards the maintenance of conflict at ‘acceptable levels’ as deemed by the State. Insurgency scenarios and counter-insurgency capabilities take precedence over addressing issues of administration, skill sets and education (positive/negative job creation); food security; addressing the dispossessed (destitute, abandoned, resentful); and issues of urbanisation and migration. All this is bound to have deep political and geographic implications.

    The map of India will surely change. More states and autonomous regions are likely—some estimates suggest close to 50 states from the present 28 in a matter of years. Telengana, Bundelkhand, Vidarbha, Marathwada, Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh, Uttar Kannada, Dakshin Kannada, ‘Gorkhaland’, ‘Bodoland’, separation of the present Khasi and Garo Hills—are all likely units.

    However, there is a limit to how much the drawing of lines and setting up of separate administrations can address inherent ills, as India’s present rot in politics and governance and great public apathy helps to perpetuate so many problems.

    In extreme situations brought on by a combination of both internal and external factors, the de facto external boundaries of India too could change, in a replay of ‘Pakistan Occupied Kashmir’ and Aksai Chin. In this context, Northeastern India is particularly vulnerable.

    A MODIFIED INTERNAL GEOGRAPHY
    Extreme left-wing movements will spiral beyond present-day comprehension and reach, driven by increasing urbanisation in spaces around present-day metropolitan areas; continual pressure on rural and forested areas to cede space to extractive and related business (such as mining); increasing political, financial and development (health care, sanitation, education, job creation) focus by central and state governments on urban spaces that will lead to greater resentment in, and alienation of, rural spaces/ populations. The momentum for accountability will—as now—increase in urban spaces and reduce in rural spaces. The Right to Information and similar devices are and will largely remain urban phenomena.

    The fabric will stretch, and could finally tear. Large areas of India will be reshaped along fault lines of internal conflict. The Indian polity will be radically altered. Left-wing, tribal and caste militias will control central, east, south-central, and west-central India. Driven by a chain of militia ‘conglomerates’ that will recruit from local and/or ‘victim’ populations, with leadership largely drawn from this pool, militias will form a bulwark against the Indian Union of City States.

    City states already exist in all but name. Mumbai/Navi Mumbai; Delhi/New Delhi that would, in the foreseeable future, see an administration for the National Capital Region (NCR); Kolkata and Greater Kolkata; Chennai; Bengaluru; Hyderabad; and so on.

    These metropolitan areas are already among the largest in the world. These will form security and trade corridor links with growing secondary hubs, and ultimately form a longer, secure chain that will run along northern and peninsular India’s extremities, approximating the present-day idea of the ‘Golden Quadrilateral’ system of expressways.

    NCR will link northwards with Chandigarh and further on towards Jammu, which will form the northern bulwark of a re-ordered Indian state, with the loss of Kashmir Valley.

    This corridor will travel southwest towards Jaipur to link with a hub in Ahmedabad and further, down towards Mumbai.

    Mumbai will form the western hub along with an extension to Pune/Aurangabad, and form the link southward along the Konkan Coast with present-day Thiruvananthapuram (which will become part of the ocean-front city state of Kochi-Karwar).

    A similar, south to east corridor will from here travel up to Chennai (then link with the inland hubs of Bengaluru and Hyderabad) as far as Vishakhapatnam; and then to the hinterland of Kolkata (Haldia) and finally to Kolkata. The intervening coastal space will be controlled by left-wing and tribal militias just short of the missile testing area of Chandipur on the southeastern edge of Orissa, which forms an important defence/ commercial zone along with Haldia. Militias will, however, control Orissa’s Paradip Port.

    The north-to-east link will not be secure, as a severe breakdown of socio-economic and political cohesion, aided also by effects of the implosion of Nepal on account of a complete breakdown of the present-day political and economic process, will create vast null spaces devoid of ‘conventional’ administration. The region of the Gangetic plains will form a patchwork of rural and semi-urban communities that will be feudalistic in administration, collapsing into a ‘medieval’ format run by warlords or conglomerates of warlords.

    The northern borderlands of this region will form alliances with the ‘Central’ Indian administration to oversee its ‘border defences’ by proxy. This will be to offset the southward push of displaced Nepali communities deeper into the Gangetic plains.

    As the left-wing and tribal militia region will lie directly to the south of the Gangetic plains, the Government of India will have to deal with the possibility of warlords from the Gangetic plains entering into loose agreements with these militias to ensure flow of arms and ammunition and trade —including natural and chemical narcotics—and provide sanctuary for mutual benefit. These two groups will not impinge on the other’s territorial ambit after repeated failure of the Gangetic plains group/s to wrest control of central and eastern Indian mineral concentrations.

    THE UNITED STATES OF INDIA
    The concept of the ‘Centre’ of India will change. The Government of India will really be governing the United States of India, with a new Charter/ Constitution that provides for alliances with administrations of City States/ Hinterland Entities by agreement of their respective local representatives and referendum—unlike singular entities (as with the Subcontinent’s Partition exercise).

    The ‘state’ or ‘province’ will merely be the hinterland to these cities, providing—with regional variations—food, industrial zones, trade parks, ports, airports, and defence hubs. Core areas of the City State will entirely be residential and service oriented. It will not be unusual for foreign governments or corporations to enter into separate diplomatic and business arrangements with preferred City States, after informing the ‘Central’ government.

    The remainder of present-day Central, Centre-East, and Peninsular India will be outside the agglomeration of New States, dominated by several left-wing militias. Like the present-day Shan Region that forms the core of the so-called Golden Triangle of Myanmar, Laos and Thailand, the ‘Leaders’ or ‘Politburo’ of each region will hold sway over vast patches of territory.

    This belt will comprise the present-day regions of Marathwada and Vidarbha in Mahrashtra; Chhattisgarh; Madhya Pradesh; Jharkhand; Orissa; and areas of West Bengal that have not been swamped by a population shift that moves steadily westward.




    These pseudo-socialist zones will skirmish or maintain peace with the other, essentially to protect territories of agrarian activity, but overwhelmingly to control mineral resources and rivers/waterways in their territories. The Narmada river system; Mahanadi river system; and Godavari river system, for example, will be part of these zones.

    The entity known as United States of India will enter into separate arrangements with the administrations of these militia-controlled regions for procuring primary materials and metals. Also, to ensure waterway flows, in exchange for major concessions—including maintenance of status quo until the ‘national’ entity feels suitably strengthened to begin to make forays to reclaim territory from warlords and militias.

    This status quo, however, will remain in place for a considerable time. After a period of great churn leading to major dislocation of primary economic activity, there will be a balance imposed by realisation by ‘Indian’ authorities that, strategically, the requirement of troops and defensive/ offensive capability is more crucial along western, northern and eastern borders. Equally, that policing capabilities will be of critical value for maintaining control/ peace in the City States and Hinterlands. Safe-Passage Agreements for goods/ produce with warlord- and militia-controlled areas will, therefore, be of realpolitik value.

    A further play of reality will come to emerge on account of protecting business and industry. There will be vast paramilitary commitment to protect business enclaves (including Economic Zones); factory sites; power plants; dams and waterways; highways and subsidiary roads. Urban policing will be more ‘militarised, with forces trained in urban warfare. The penal system will be among the first ‘infrastructure’ spaces to be upgraded. This is a natural progression in spaces that will have among the densest and most inequitable conditions on the planet.

    There will be a growing incidence of urban and industrial areas controlled entirely by business in nominal partnership with administrators—a more concretised version of, for example, the system in Jamshedpur, which is run by the Jamshedpur Notified Area Committee, on which executives of the Tata Group and its nominees have representation, as does the Government of Jharkhand. (In this scenario, Jamshedpur will be over-run. The Tata Group and other businesses will have to sue for peace with militias.)

    This realisation will be arrived at after a series of developments in relatively rapid succession in a matter of 5-15 years: a massive tribal uprising along central, eastern and southern areas as a reaction to large infusion of troops by India to protect mineral and related production areas. This will be managed by successors of present-day Maoists and newer left-wing militias that will ride on spontaneous outbursts and procurement of arms. After cities like Raipur, Jamshedpur and Nagpur are over-run by these militias, there will be strong public and business demands in other parts of India to impeach the administration of the day in New Delhi and demand a rethink of the Constitution, and insist on a new Charter of Unity.

    A PROXY WAR WITH CHINA
    By this time, West Bengal would be under severe pressure to staunch the inward migration from Bangladesh; and Nepal would have imploded, leading to a proxy war there between China and India. Proxy wars would also have erupted between the two countries of Bhutan and Sikkim, leading to the increasing vulnerability of the so-called Chicken’s Neck region in West Bengal—for long the post-Partition gateway for India to its northeastern region, and the corridor to enable force projection against China in the eastern sector.

    Waterway and roadway treaties signed with Bangladesh would have long-collapsed on account of turmoil in that country, leading to a squeeze in transit of goods and people from ‘Mainland’ India to Northeastern India.

    This will lead the Northeast to effectively become another area of proxy war between China and India. While China will retain the advantage of a superior logistics position, India will attempt to use a counter-faction in Myanmar to supply proxy wars from western and southwestern Myanmar to retain control of the various tribal homelands in the present-day Northeast. Global opinion will ensure the conflict remains a non-nuclear one, bolstered by the heightened presence of Nato and Asean navies, air defence forces and troops in the Bay of Bengal and Indian Ocean area.

    As a concurrent development, there will be a move towards greater ‘nationalism’ and an accompanying consolidation of right-of-centre ideologies and politics—though not necessarily through present-day political approaches.

    The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in its current form would lose meaning. The Congress would move closer to the right in its actions. The driving force of this shift will be a sense of survival—an ‘Indian-ness’ that has organically evolved since Partition in vast areas of the Republic of India, even as this sentiment/reality has fallen woefully short in other areas.

    There will be greater elements of Hindu militancy, but in the overall scheme of things, this will be akin to a range of militant influences that will inevitably exist in crushed urban spaces—such as student factions professing ‘liberation’; radical Islamist cells; and suchlike.

    Whichever way you choose to look at it, there is a tsunami brewing, and it will hit the country much before we are ready for it, given India’s present state of polity and governance.
     
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  9. Sabir

    Sabir DFI TEAM Senior Member

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    Poors- you heard of them commiting suicide or seen to fight for a living in a slum-all originated from our dismal state of agriculture. Our agricultural land can not support the people already engaged in it. So marginal efficiency of labour force has gone don, so is rural productivity and income of people. The problem is two dimensional. If you can not shift a large number of labour from agriculture to alternative proffession and allote some portion of agriculural land for alternative use you can not increase the income of rural people or stop them from migrating to the cities. Again sacrificing some land for alternative use can risk food shortage unless productivity in available agricultural land can not be increased by many folds. These problems are too difficult to address even for an efficient government. A radical shift in agricultural and rural development policy and implementation is the need of time. Government must visualise the modern version (I say capitalist version) of community farming. A community consisting land and labour of many farmers should get government assistance rather than individual farmers. Because a community can set the pririty to utilise its land and think of alternative use of unutilised land (say leasing to industry) for increasing income of its members. As a communitay can have very large land from its member investment for increasing productivity becomes feasible. Increasing per capita productivity and labour efficiency, proper utilisation of land are the keys to increasing incom of rural people.


    http://www.defenceforum.in/forum/entry.php/102-Community-Farming-A-lesson-from-Israel
     
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  10. sandeepdg

    sandeepdg Senior Member Senior Member

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    This report is clearly the truth and nothing else, and people should start accepting the fact that India is home to almost 30 % of the world's poorest population, with some areas in our country even worse off than sub-Saharan Africa !! And people here squeal every time "Africa" is mentioned since they have a mindset that it is the poorest and most backward place on Earth, not knowing for the fact that almost half the population in our own country is worse off than them !
     
  11. Sabir

    Sabir DFI TEAM Senior Member

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    We have four in top ten Billionairs list and 30% of the poors on earth. We are really a surprising stock to outer world....
     
  12. ganesh177

    ganesh177 Regular Member

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  13. EagleOne

    EagleOne Regular Member

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    55% of India's population poor: Report

    :angry_10: :angry_10::angry_10:

    India's abysmal track record at ensuring basic levels of nutrition is the greatest contributor to its poverty as measured by the new international Multi-dimensional Poverty Index (MPI). About 645 million people or 55% of India's population is poor as measured by this composite indicator made up of ten markers of education, health and standard of living achievement levels.

    Developed by the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI) for the United Nations Development Programmes (UNDP) forthcoming 2010 Human Development Report, the MPI attempts to capture more than just income poverty at the household level. It is composed of ten indicators: years of schooling and child enrollment (education); child mortality and nutrition (health); and electricity, flooring, drinking water, sanitation, cooking fuel and assets (standard of living). Each education and health indicator has a 1/6 weight, each standard of living indicator a 1/18 weight.

    The new data also shows that even in states generally perceived as prosperous such as Haryana, Gujarat and Karnataka, more than 40% of the population is poor by the new composite measure, while Kerala is the only state in which the poor constitute less than 20%. The MPI measures both the incidence of poverty and its intensity. A person is defined as poor if he or she is deprived on at least 3 of the 10 indicators. By this definition, 55% of India was poor, close to double India's much-criticised official poverty figure of 29%. Almost 20% of Indians are deprived on 6 of the 10 indicators.

    Nutritional deprivation is overwhelmingly the largest factor in overall poverty, unsurprising given that half of all children in India are under-nourished according to the National Family Health Survey III (2005-06). Close to 40% of those who are defined as poor are also nutritionally deprived. In fact, the contribution of nutrition to the overall MPI is even greater in urban than rural India.

    A comparison of the state of Madhya Pradesh and the sub-Saharan nation of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), which have close to the same population and a similar MPI (0.389 and 0.393 respectively), shows that nutritional deprivation, arguably the most fundamental part of poverty, in MP far exceeds that in the DRC. Nutritional deprivation contributes to almost 20% of MP's MPI and only 5% of the DRC's MPI. MP's drinking water, electricity and child mortality levels are better than that of the DRC.

    Multi-dimensional poverty is highest (81.4% poor) among Scheduled Tribes within India's Hindu population, followed by Scheduled Castes (65.8%), Other Backward Class (58.3%) and finally the general population (33.3%).

    There is significant variation between the poverty incidence in various states as per the MPI and as per the Indian Planning Commission's official figures. Based on the MPI, Bihar has by far the most poor of any state in the country, with 81.4% of its population defined as poor, which is close to 12% more than the next worst state of Uttar Pradesh.

    As per the Planning Commission's figures, 41.4% of Bihar and 32.8% of UP is poor. In a possible indication of inadequate access to health and education facilities which do not show up in income poverty, almost 60% of north-east India and close to 50% of Jammu & Kashmir are poor as per the MPI, while the Planning Commission figures are around 16% and 5% respectively.

    The findings would provide further ballast to the argument of some economists that India's official poverty estimation methods are too narrowly focused to capture the real extent of deprivation in the country....
     
    Last edited: Jul 15, 2010
  14. Singh

    Singh Phat Cat Administrator

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    and how does the government respond ? By bringing in the NREGS which is crippling industries, driving inflation, reducing growth and causing record fiscal deficits.

    1. Cities are the real centres of wealth and are the places where rural/poorer migrants land up in search of a livelihood.
    2. Smaller states are easier to manage.
    3. Massive Labour reforms are required. Huge number of white and blue collar jobs need to be created to keep pace with population.
     
  15. Iamanidiot

    Iamanidiot Elite Member Elite Member

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    1)Cities aren't the real drivers of wealth there must be all round development.Migration takes place due to lack of opprotunities in the rural.In states such as Tamil nadu where the development is more even there is little migration to cities.

    2)Jharkhand and Chattisgarh are easier to manage?The small states argument is a failure horrible failure

    3)Agree with that we need to amend the draconinan labour laws
     
  16. hit&run

    hit&run Elite Member Elite Member

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    ~90% of labour work force is casual with no rights what so ever. No minimum ( mandatory ) wages are enforced in private sector. Private sector should encourage minimum % of permanent jobs against a big financial security pledged to state or central govt. otherwise penalised.

    Massive govt or private permanent jobs can be created for census statistical counting, election processes (Rather using teacher or Municipal employees etc.), police/RTO, and education.

    Govt. must pay to unemployed or generate jobs or quite. No dic head politician is held responsible and real stats are kept under carpet for sake of political opportunities.

    Centre must decrease powers of failing states to stop uneducated medieval local elected goons dictating state policies. Governor's rule will be helpful for holistic approach and ll be more cost effective than so called democratic election process for few years.
     
  17. ejazr

    ejazr Stars and Ambassadors Stars and Ambassadors

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    The Multidimensional poverty index is really neatly done. The India country briefis here http://www.ophi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/Country-Brief-India.pdf

    I think the affluent Indians are also to blame here. The government has been traditionally been inefficient but private NGOs and the billionares and millionares should really step up their phlanthropic contributions. There was some talkabout corporate social resposibility e.t.c Until the private citizens who are well off don't help others who are less fortunate we will not bridgethis gap.

    Interstingly Sanitation and Nutrition are the biggest dimensions of poverty in India
     
  18. 171K

    171K Tihar Jail Banned

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    It's the year 2010 & still 700 million Indians do not have access to a toilet, there are several cheap solutions (GoI can still fill up their Swiss accounts, while looking after the citizens of India) & yet I fail to understand why GoI does very little about it!

    [video]http://www.youtube.com/watch#!v=mCecQrh8AZo[/video]
     
    Last edited: Jul 18, 2010
  19. Singh

    Singh Phat Cat Administrator

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    1. I never said anything about drivers of wealth. Cities are the centres of wealth, and globally in developed countries more people live in cities than rural areas. India and other developing countries will be no exception.
    2. Well if they are smaller and not easier to manage implies they need to be broken down further.
     

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