Pakistan's Shia Genocide !!

Excellent article, starts from Zia's anti-Shia policies and then goes on to recent incidents in Gilgit

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Gilgit Baltistan, a part of Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK), has been in the grip of another bout of violence and unrest for the last three months. February 2012 witnessed the blatant killing of Shia pilgrims in Kohistan on the Karakoram Highway when they were returning from Iran. In the aftermath of this particular incident, a series of clashes have taken place in the region, the most grievous among them being the massacre of Shias at Chilas on April 3, 2012. The spate of killings has unleashed fear and uncertainty among the people and there is an open outcry about the government’s inaction and inability to control the situation. And it has also once again stirred sectarian sentiments, heightening tensions not only between the rival sects but among the public at large.
Repeated Outbreak of Sectarian Violence: The Underlying Factors

The killings in Gilgit Baltistan have once again highlighted the widening Shia-Sunni divide in Pakistan as a whole and which has specifically affected Gilgit Baltistan since the late 1980’s. Gilgit Baltistan was predominantly Shia even under the Maharaja of Kashmir although there was hardly sectarian conflict in the region at that time.1 Post 1947 too, sectarianism may have existed as a latent force but largely without any violent manifestations. It was under the Zia ul Haq regime, however, that this latent force was ignited to serve Pakistan’s larger goals within Gilgit Baltistan and elsewhere. The Iranian revolution propelled Zia’s anti-Shia policy to limit Iran’s influence on the Shias of Gilgit Baltistan in particular. Zia pursued a policy of Sunni Islamisation wherein Sunnis were patronised and given preferential treatment by the state in all public spheres. This caused widespread discontent in Shia majority Gilgit Baltistan where riots and other acts of violence consequently broke out frequently. Sectarianism was also cultivated by Pakistan as a negative force through concerted efforts to change the demographic reality and reduce the Shia to a minority in Gilgit Baltistan. By encouraging Sunni population from outside of the region to settle in Gilgit Baltistan, the state created a permanent divide between the various groups in Gilgit Baltistan.

Consequently, there have been many instances of sectarian violence in Gilgit Baltistan beginning with the large scale riots of 1988, which erupted over a minor controversy on the sighting of the moon during the holy month of Ramzan. Several hundreds were killed, villages were destroyed and even livestock were not spared while the administration watched the unfolding crisis like a mute spectator. The next major outbreak of violence occurred during 2003-04, when there was controversy over the introduction of a Sunni-centric curriculum in the schools of Gilgit Baltistan. Because of strident opposition, the federal government was compelled to take on board the Shia leaders and chart out a resolution to the problem. This, in turn, enraged the Sunni constituency, leading to the assassination of Shia religious leader, Zia ud-din-Rizvi, in January 2005. Sectarian sentiments at this point were raised considerably resulting in violence and eventual loss of life.

The second major factor contributing to the repeated outbreak of violence is the region’s Kashmir connection, which has kept its political status unsettled. During the last several decades, Pakistan has imposed ad hoc governing structures without giving the region either an independent or a provincial status. The political yearnings of the locals, suppressed for long, occasionally find vent in the demand for autonomy because of such sectarian clashes. Political mobilisation along sectarian lines has complicated matters and widened the divide between the Shias and the Sunnis.

The absence of constitutional status, political deprivation, Pakistan’s exercise of forceful control on the region and its deliberate strategy of playing the sectarian card have all proved to be a lethal combination that continues to adversely impact peace and security in Gilgit Baltistan. Escalating sectarian tensions and Pakistan’s reluctance to address popular grievances and aspirations could potentially lead to increasing demands for autonomy and independence in the coming days.


The Kohistan Killings, February 28, 2012: In hindsight

It has been over two months since the horrific incident on the Karakoram highway on February 28, 2012 when at least 18 innocent pilgrims belonging to Gilgit Baltistan were killed by unknown assailants.2 Those killed were part of a group returning from a pilgrimage to holy shrines in Iran. They were travelling in a convoy of four buses from Rawalpindi to Gilgit. The attack took place on the Karakoram Highway in Harban Nullah in Kohistan district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. The victims were forced to disembark from the buses after having been identified as Shia from the CNIC (Computerised National identity cards) issued by Pakistan’s NADRA (National Data Base and Registration Authority). The deceased were all men, including three of the bus drivers. The injured, however, included men, women and children.3

Ahmed Marwat, commander of an outlawed terrorist group, Jundullah, owned up responsibility for the attack, stating clearly that these people were targeted because they belonged to the Shia community. Jundullah, which allegedly has links to the Taliban and the al Qaeda, is based in Balochistan. This group is said to be different from the Jundallah active in neighbouring Iran. The killers, dressed in military uniforms, managed to escape the scene of attack without much difficulty.

The Kohistan incident jolted public perceptions in the region about their safety and security. It moved the Pakistan Government and the local administration to initiate quick action. A three member committee constituted by Pakistan’s Interior Minster, Rehman Malik, to investigate the killings was asked to submit a report within three days. Initial reports suggested that the incident took place in revenge for the killing of two Shias in Chilas earlier, as noted by the local parliamentarian Abdul Sattar. Pakistan’s President Asif Ali Zardari expressed concern and ordered that the injured be given the best possible treatment. The Pakistan Army offered assistance in the investigation process. The incident drew international attention and UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon condemned it.4

Islamabad’s Response

The Government of Pakistan claims to have made certain arrests in the case. However, the real culprits have not been apprehended yet. With few options in hand, the district administration of Kohistan constituted a 70 member Jirga consisting of elders and Ulema of Kohistan on April 1, 2012.5 This Jirga, as reports stated, would visit Gilgit Baltistan to interact with the local jirga in Diamer in an attempt to find a solution to the current crisis. The Pakistan Government was keen to entrust the peace jirga with the responsibility for the maintenance of peace and order in Gilgit Baltistan, emphasising the role of dialogue in resolving the problem. The Jirga was also required to suggest measures for preventing the recurrence of similar incidents in future.

The Kohistan incident is horrific and alarming, executed more like a full-fledged terrorist attack where men dressed in army uniforms went on a rampage. Because of the gravity of the incident, Section 144 was imposed in the area and schools and offices were closed as a precautionary measure and also as a matter of protest and expression of grief by the people. This particular incident has heightened concerns for locals in Gilgit Baltistan and trepidation about travelling on the highway.

The incident also highlights certain pertinent points. It raises serious questions about the credibility of the local administration, which allowed such an incident to take place in broad daylight. Another elementary concern is the absence of proper security mechanisms on the Karakorum Highway that could possibly avert such killings and prevent the culprits from easily getting away. At the same time, this incident also questions the extent of Pakistan’s control on Gilgit Baltistan. The federal government in Pakistan was caught reacting under mounting pressure from all sides. In the immediate aftermath, Rehman Malik hinted that a major operation would be launched in the region to restore law and order (to be conducted by the Gilgit Baltistan Scouts), but this was later shelved for unknown reasons. Even before getting into the semantics of the whole issue, Rehman Malik tried to brush it aside as another incident of sectarian violence, only to later state that external forces were responsible for the heinous act. Malik was possibly trying to deflect attention as the government was under the scanner for its failure to take concrete steps to nab the culprits. Besides, the government’s resort to Jirgas to resolve the case hints at its eroding control over law and order situation in the region.

The Massacre at Chilas, April 3, 2012: Fallout of Kohistan Killings

Even before Gilgit Baltistan could recover from the shock of the Kohistan killings, at least 15 to 20 people were killed and almost 50 injured in yet another incident in Chilas, Gilgit on April 3, 2012.6 These casualty figures are conservative estimates and reports claimed that many more people died and were injured than what the official numbers admitted. This incident occurred in the wake of a procession led by Ahl-e-Sunnat-Wal-Jamaat (ASWJ is known to be the front of the banned terrorist outfit Sipah-e-Sahaba) protesting against the arrest of some its leaders (especially Attaullah Saqib, the head of Gilgit branch of the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan) in connection with the Kohistan incident.7 In Gilgit, these protesters burnt tyres on the roads to create a sense of fear and forced shops to close. Grenades were lobbed at this procession by unidentified men riding on motor cycles. Simultaneously, armed men killed 10 Shia passengers after forcing them to get down from the bus they were travelling in Chilas. The fallout was immediate: Sunni mosques made public pronouncements against the Shia community and similarly Shias in Baltistan mobilised to avenge the killings.

These events escalated sectarian tensions in Gilgit Baltistan and the security situation went from bad to worse. Some people, noted to be Sunnis, were taken hostage by a mob in order to pressurise the authorities to take steps to control the situation. The hostages included a civil judge and a district health officer.8 A group consisting of ministers and members of the Gilgit Baltistan council was constituted to deal with the situation and negotiate with the abductors. This group led by Law Minister of Gilgit Baltistan, Wazir Shakil, was able to achieve a breakthrough between the government and the clerics.9 The weeklong hostage crisis came to an end when 31 Sunni hostages were released. Alongside, there were cases of disappearances, forcing the administration to start thinking in terms of launching a massive operation to nab those behind the violence and the deteriorating law and order situation.

The unfolding crisis and the series of violent incidents made the situation in Gilgit Baltistan tense and brought daily life to a standstill. Movement and traffic on the Karakorum Highway was affected. Due to the disruption of links between Gilgit Baltistan and Pakistan, the supply of essential items to the region was badly hit. The common people were affected the most by the crisis.

The bedlam compelled the administration to take firm steps. These included imposition of curfew in the entire area, closing of schools and offices, restriction of traffic, gagging of private TV channels and jamming of mobile services.10 Further, Army vehicles and other security forces patrolled the area in bullet proof vehicles.

Reactions of Pakistani Political Parties

The outbreak of violence in Gilgit Baltistan provided another opportunity for the opposition parties to target the PPP (Pakistan People’s Party) led federal government. Their basic criticism was utter neglect of the region for so many years. The Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) sharply criticised the government’s policy towards Gilgit Baltistan and so did Imran Khan, the chief of Pakistan Tehrik e Insaf (PTI), who blamed the government’s negligence for the continuing violence in Gilgit Baltistan.
Popular Protests

Several demonstrations were held to protest against the bloodshed in recurring violent incidents. Apart from Gilgit Baltistan, protests were held not only in Lahore and Islamabad but also in the United States where people from the Gilgit Baltistan Diaspora took active part in criticising Pakistan’s high handedness in the region. Groups such as the Gilgit Baltistan National Alliance (GBNA) and the Gilgit Baltistan National Congress (GBNC) participated in these protests, holding placards that denounced Pakistan’s illegitimate control over Gilgit Baltistan, demanded restoration of the State Subject Rule (SSR), and more specifically urged the Government of Pakistan to stop targeted killings in the region.

Women also came out in Skardu to protest against state inaction and demanded that a search should be initiated to locate the people missing after the Chilas bus tragedy and that the peoples’ safety must be ensured. Related to this, there were demands regarding the enforcement of better security measures and giving access to alternate routes for people’s movement and transport.

Protests were also held in Kargil in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), which observed a complete shutdown on April 14, 2012 adhering to a call given by Anjuman e Jamiyatul Ulima Asna Ashriya (Islamia School Kargil). Markets were closed to express solidarity with the people across the Line of Control (LoC) in Gilgit Baltistan. These protesters also called upon the Government of India to take steps to stop such killings.11
Pakistan Government’s Response

In the initial phase, the Army was called in to take charge of the region. Later on, the Government of Pakistan, after ruminating for over 10 days on how to deal with the emerging situation, announced a judicial commission to probe the incidents on April 14, 2012.12 The decision came in the wake of a meeting between the Majlis Wahdat-e-Muslimeen and Pakistan’s Interior Minister. The probe commission reportedly comprises of the Gilgit Baltistan Supreme Court and the High Court.

Identifying Commonalties in the Two Incidents

Even if there have been concerted cover up attempts by Pakistan by attributing responsibility to external actors for the violence, the fact remains that both episodes had strong sectarian underpinnings. Violence occurred in a chain of events, one fuelling the other set of killings as an act of revenge. A close examination of these incidents brings to the fore the sectarian complex which, over the last few decades, has shaped popular mindsets in Gilgit Baltistan. There is mobilisation, rather negative, along sectarian lines leading to impassioned outbursts in the form of protests and marches. The outbursts in most cases eventuate into violent incidents causing considerable damage in terms of law and order, loss of life and wastage of limited resources.

The incidents shared stark similarities in the manner in which they were carried out. Innocent people were forced to disembark from the buses ferrying them and shot to death after being identified as belonging to a particular sect.
Both incidents witnessed a complete failure of the local law enforcement agencies. Their conspicuous absence from the scene of crime is intriguing. These state agencies not only failed to avert the killings but later allowed the situation to get out of control. There has been perceived unwillingness to control the situation since the first incident which probably led to the recurrence of violence.
In both cases, the Government of Pakistan and the local administration were caught napping. They were not clear on how the investigations should proceed and in what direction. Curfew was imposed and the Army was called in to maintain law and order. Educational institutions and markets remained closed after the incident. In terms of state action, it was more immediate in the second incident with the instant imposition of curfew as well as blacking out of communications services in order to avoid dissemination of perverse information and messages from either sect. These steps, however, were of little avail as the ensuing violence could not be curtailed.
In both cases, the Interior Minister of Pakistan stated that there are hidden forces behind the violence—an obvious attempt to deflect popular attention and defuse popular unrest by buying more time.
The end result in both the cases is similar: the administration struggling to nab those responsible for the deaths and damage. There are limited options for the Government of Pakistan as attempts to take strict action against those belonging to one sect is likely to incur sharp criticism and resistance from that group leading to a further worsening of the situation. For instance, in the case of the Kohistan killings, when the Deputy Commissioner was transferred after being held responsible for the carnage, the Karakorum highway was blocked by Sunni protesters urging that the order be revoked. The pattern follows in other cases where the section at the receiving end comes out in opposition against any particular action that hurts their interests.
In both cases, the Governments of Gilgit Baltistan and that of Pakistan failed to assuage popular concerns and give the besieged sections of population a sense of relief.
The impact of violence has multiplied to accentuate the law and order problem and thrust religious identities/ affiliations beyond acceptable limits.
The common thinking among people in Gilgit Baltistan does not converge with that of the government. While the government sees these incidents as resulting from the involvement of external elements, the people see it more as a local issue and urge the government to take concrete steps to contain the violence.
The incidents have received wide coverage in the mainstream media in Pakistan, which has been particularly critical of state indifference and failure to deal with the situation.
These incidents have been considerably projected at the international level raising serious concerns about the ongoing trouble including the debate on whether it is time to put Pakistan on the Genocide Watch list.

Conclusion

The recent killings have caused immeasurable hurt to local sentiments in Gilgit Baltistan and further deepened polarisation between communities and exacerbated sectarian sentiments. There are indications that there exists in Gilgit Baltistan a huge cache of arms and ammunition and that this is being sourced from Iran, Europe and from within Pakistan as well. The scale and nature of the incidents have raised the sense of insecurity not only among the Shia and Sunni but also other groups who live in the region. These marginalised groups are living under constant fear that they may be targeted as well.

The situation after the second incident is still evolving and it has somewhat diverted attention from Pakistan’s and the local government’s failure to bring to book the perpetrators of the previous incident at Kohistan. Pakistan is buying time by taking symbolic actions, knowing well that the voices of dissent will tone down and the situation will become placid with time. Overall, Pakistan has failed to focus on Gilgit Baltistan and this is clear in its failure to control the spiralling incidents of violence in the region. The follow up incident in Gilgit and Chilas in April 2012 was unexpected while the authorities were still struggling to deal with the February 2012 attack on Shia bus passengers in Kohistan.

The unstable situation in Gilgit Baltistan is reminiscent of Pakistan’s state policy of sowing the seeds for its own destruction. The fundamentalist constituency, which it nurtured for years to serve its interests in neighbouring countries, have transcended into a major security threat for itself. Similarly, in Gilgit Baltistan, the Pakistan Government’s support for sectarian groups and its sectarian policies have led to the present situation, which is marked by recurring violence and consequently growing calls for autonomy and even independence from the people of Gilgit Baltistan.


Sectarian Strife in Gilgit Baltistan | Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses

Sectarian attack: 3 killed, 6 injured in Parachinar – The Express Tribune

Al Jazeera did a feature on the Hazara shias being killed in Pakistan

Al Jazeera: Pakistan's Hazara under attack

Shia Genocide Report: 58 Shia Muslims target killed in Pakistan in January 2012
Shia Genocide Report: 58 Shia Muslims target killed in Pakistan in January 2012�|�LUBP


Shia Genocide Report: 71 Shia Muslims target killed in Pakistan during February 2012
Shia Genocide Report: 71 Shia Muslims target killed in Pakistan during February 2012 | Pakistan Blogzine


Shia Genocide Report: 30 Shia Muslims target killed in Pakistan in March 2012
Shia Genocide Report: 30 Shia Muslims target killed in Pakistan in March 2012 | Pakistan Blogzine

Shia Genocide Report: 58 Shia Muslims target killed in Pakistan in January 2012
Shia Genocide Report: 58 Shia Muslims target killed in Pakistan in January 2012�|�LUBP


Shia Genocide Report: 71 Shia Muslims target killed in Pakistan during February 2012
Shia Genocide Report: 71 Shia Muslims target killed in Pakistan during February 2012 | Pakistan Blogzine


Shia Genocide Report: 30 Shia Muslims target killed in Pakistan in March 2012
Shia Genocide Report: 30 Shia Muslims target killed in Pakistan in March 2012 | Pakistan Blogzine

Gunmen Kill Pakistani Shia Intelligence Officer ‘Syed Qamar Reza’ in Karachi

(Ahlul Bayt News Agency) - According to the initial reports, terrorists of banned Sipah-e-Sahaba’s Askari Wing ‘Ali Mawiyah Force’ opened fire on the Director of the Intelligence Bureau, Qamar Raza s/o Nawazish Ali Naqvi late on Saturday killing him.

According to police, 55 years old martyr Syed Qamar Raza, was ambushed by two unidentified assailants when he was returning from a walk to his apartment in Sharifabad.

Reza was critically injured in the attack and was sent to Karachi’s main hospital, where he later died.

His body has been moved to the Abbasi Shaheed Hospital from where it is being moved to Incholi’s Imambargah. Raza was the director of Pakistan’s IB Security Agency as well as being the Secretary to Haidery Scouts.

Reports have been received that SSP has indeed created another wing, Security Guards, which works alongside their Ali Mawiyah Force in targeting and killing Shiites. The terrorists of this particular wing carry Klashin Koffs and are a potential threat to Pakistan’s future safety.

The fact that Shiites in government agencies are being targeted raises questions on Pakistan’s Security Agencies on how responsibly they are handling the Shiite Genocide. Perhaps if they had taken more serious action Qamar Raza would be alive right now.

Pakistan: 18 Shia pilgrims gunned down

Islamabad: At least 18 people were killed on Friday night when unidentified motorcycle-borne gunmen rained bullets at a bus carrying Shia pilgrims in Pakistan's southwest Balochistan province, media reports said.

The attack took place near Turbet while the bus was on its way from Balochistan capital Quetta to Iran, Xinhua reported citing Urdu TV channel Dunya.

Geo News said the gunmen attacked a convoy of passenger vans that had begun their journey from Karachi.

It said the attack took place in Khadan area of Turbat.

Witnesses said the gunmen who were waiting near the road, opened fire at the vehicles and kept shooting until their automatic weapons were depleted of ammunition. They then fled the scene.


Pakistan: 18 Shia pilgrims gunned down

13 killed in suicide attack in southwest Pakistan

A suspected suicide bomber on Friday targeted a bus carrying Shia pilgrims in Quetta city of southwest Pakistan, killing 13 people and injuring over 30 others, officials said.
The blast ripped through the bus and a police vehicle in Hazarganji area of Quetta, the capital of Balochistan province.
The bus, escorted by two police vans, was bringing back pilgrims from Iran. About 40 people were in the bus.

Officials at hospitals said a total of 13 people had died. Two policemen were among the dead, officials said.

Several women and policemen were injured and eight of the wounded were in a serious condition.

Quetta police chief Mir Zubair Mehmood the bus was targeted with a car bomb though other officials were quoted by TV news channels as saying that the attack was carried out by a suicide bomber.

Officials of the bomb disposal squad said about 50 kg of explosives was used in the attack. The site of the blast was cordoned off by security personnel.

Footage on television showed the bus was reduced to a mangled heap of blackened metal.

Rescue workers and local residents could be seen pulling bodies and injured out of the bus.

Later, a crane was brought in to pry apart the twisted metal so that the injured could be removed.

No group claimed responsibility for the attack.

The banned Lashkar-e-Jhangvi has been blamed for a series of attacks on Shias in Quetta and other parts of Balochistan since last year.

A prominent Shia group called for 40 days of mourning and a strike on Friday to protest the attack.

13 killed in suicide attack in southwest Pakistan - Hindustan Times

Largest gathering of Pak Shias in 25 yrs sends out warning



A new Shia party launched in Pakistan has warned that it will besiege the army's General Headquarters and the residences of the president and premier if killings of members of the minority sect continue.

The Majlis-e-Wahdat-e-Muslimeen held a rally at the Minar-e-Pakistan in Lahore yesterday and announced plans for protests if the killings of Shias continued.
Leaders said at least 60 Shias have been killed during the past three months, mostly in the restive Balochistan province.

They said they will besiege the army's General Headquarters and the residences of the president and premier if violence against them was not contained.

Addressing the gathering, the new party's head, Allama Nasir Abbas Jafri, said the Shias of Pakistan had now converged on one platform for their religious and political rights.
They will counter "terrorists and killers" themselves if security agencies failed to act against such elements, he warned.

Jafri alleged that the US Embassy and consulates were the "real centres of terrorism in Pakistan".

As long as they are not closed down, terrorism and target killings will continue in Pakistan, he claimed.

"If the rulers do not expel Americans from Pakistan, then the Shias will do this job themselves," Jafri said.

He contended that Shias had defeated the US and Israel in Iran, Lebanon, Iraq and Syria, and now they would so in Pakistan.

The rally was the second largest gathering of Shias at the Minar-e-Pakistan ground, since a gathering chaired in 1987 by Allama Arif Hussain Al Hussaini, who was shot dead the following year.

The charged crowd of men, women and children, who had come from all parts of the country, displayed rare discipline by sitting in the scorching temperature of 45 degrees Celsius all day long.
Some of them fainted while a few were taken away to be given medical aid.
Shia leader Raja Nasir Abbas Jafri claimed the MWM was now the unanimous voice of the sect in Pakistan.

He warned all political parties, including the ruling Pakistan People's Party, that they should not deceive the Shias anymore.

Every party had cheated Shias after seeking their votes, he alleged.

"This (MWM) will emerge as one of the biggest political parties in the country," he said.

Largest gathering of Pak Shias in 25 yrs sends out warning

Two including Imam Bargah cleric beheaded in Quetta

QUETTA: Two bodies, including one identified of an Imam Bargah prayer leader, have been recovered from the Mian Gundi area on the outskirts of Quetta on Wednesday.

According to the police, some people informed the police about the presence of the bodies in a mountain near Mian Gundi area. Officials rushed to the spot and cordoned off the area after discovering the bodies.

The bodies were shifted to the Bolan Medical Teaching Hospital for an autopsy.

“They were slaughtered and beheaded in a brutal manner,” hospital sources said adding that their ages ranged between 28-30 years of age.

They were identified as leader of Satellite Town Imam Bargah Maulana Nour Ali Nour and Syed Haseeb Abad Zaidi, a resident of Sirki Road, Quetta.

Sources said the men had been identified by the slips found on their bodies, in which the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) claimed responsibility for the killing.

Relatives of Haseeb told the media that he had been kidnapped from Satellite Town around 19 days ago.

“The kidnappers had demanded a ransom of Rs1.9 million and we paid them Rs1.5 million but then they demanded a million more,” said the family.

Two including Imam Bargah cleric beheaded in Quetta — tribune.com.pk — Readability

Supremely graphic video of shia killings

caution advised

http://video.pakshia.com/watch_video.php?v=OWN9S381HX1W
Shia Killing | Video Gallery - Watch Parachinar Exclusive Video - www.Shiakilling.com

Sargodha: Brothers who converted to Shiite Islam beheaded

According to reports 2 brothers, Ahmed Yar and Qasim Ali, who had converted to Shiite Islam a short while ago were beheaded by extremists last night in Sargodah’s Tehsilkot Momin.

Furthermore the incident occurred in Tehsilkot Momin’s Lalu Ali village near Choki bhagat. It is also being said that the brothers held a Majlis at their house on the 2nd of July which the Sipah-e-Sahaba terrorists tried to stop. Also yesterday the brothers were stopped from praying the Shiite way. After all this they insisted on following the Shiite religion and in the end were beheaded by the extremists. As per the last report there were thousands of Shiites present at the funeral and brothers were being buried under the flag of Hazrat Abbas(a.s.).

Sargodah: Brothers converted to Shiite Islam beheaded – Shia Killing | English

Another Shia Muslim martyred in Quetta City

Nasbi terrorists of pro-Taliban outlawed terrorist group Sipah-e-Sahaba martyred another Shia Muslim in Quetta city on Thursday.

The terrorists targeted Rehmat Ali son of Juma on Kirani Road. Rehmat Ali succumbed to bullet injuries on the spot. His body was shifted to Bolan Medical Centre.

It was third targeted murder of Shia Muslims. Two abducted Shia notables including a noted religious scholar and preacher Maulana Noor Ali Noorani were slaughetered on Wednesday.

Shia leaders have condemned the genocide of Shia Muslims in Quetta and demanded that an operation against the terrorists be launched and they must be killed on the spot or hanged publicly.

Another Shia Muslim martyred in Quetta City – Shia Killing | English

I suggest Pakistani Shias to demand a separate Shia Nation like Balochistan and Sindh

Karachi: Shiite abducted last night, found dead

A Shiite, Syed Abuturab Haider, had been abducted by members of the banned terrorist organization Sipah-e-Sahaba last night from Jaffar-e-Tayyar. His body has been found from Malir this morning and shows signs of brutal torture.

Syed Abuturab Haider, 18, s/o Syed Sajjad Haider’s body was found from the Malir Nadi. There were obvious signs of torture which included acid burns on the marks of Matam-e-Hussain(ritual performed by Shiites) on Haider’s body.

Shiite genocide is becoming increasingly common aswell as gruesome all over Pakistan. In the past week 2 Shiites, Haseeb Zaidi and Molana Noor Ali, who has been abducted from Quetta were found beheaded. Also, 2 brothers, Ahmed Yar and Qasim Ali, were tortured and beheaded in Sargodha for converting to Shiite Islam. The government is as silent as ever on the ongoing killings and the security agencies are unable to stop the terrorists.

Karachi: Shiite abducted last night, found dead – Shia Killing | English