gadeshi
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I like to break your wet dreams
Civil war in Ukraine
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Akim
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My dreams? I do not dream, I report.I like to break your wet dreams
gadeshi
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So go to oboronprom website and learn about this "modernization"
Akim
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You're on the modernization of the Russian pilots learned personally?So go to oboronprom website and learn about this "modernization"
gadeshi
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Katyn exists, but the guys who executed Polish officers were no NKVD, but Gestapo.@gadeshi Everything is propaganda against Russia. Everything is fake, Holodomor,Katyn,was a conspiracy theory,Katyn doesn't even exist.
It's not a propaganda. It's a serious attempts to change the WW2 results and withdraw the Soviet/Russian people from the victorious list. Why does it needed is tooo long story to put into a post or even several one. The BIG article is needed.
gadeshi
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It's on the open sources (with photos and videos) all - you can find modernization lists for Su-25M1 and Su-25SM/SM3 and compare
Akim
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I'm not a pilot - I do not need. That's what you do from themselves "the great expert in aviation." Although the - purely civilian. There is a video interview, where the pilot says that much increase the accuracy of bombing and navigation. I have enough of his words.It's on the open sources (with photos and videos) all - you can find modernization lists for Su-25M1 and Su-25SM/SM3 and compare
So,Soviets did no crimes ?......................
gadeshi
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pmaitra
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Nothing particularly wrong in writing Львов as Львів, but changing Николаев to Миколаїв is nonsense. I do prefer Львов though.What is the difference? Why are you constantly focuses attention on this? This Odessa 50s.
The inscriptions on the Ukrainian.
Similarly, you can write Коммерсантъ or Коммерсант. If one is to consider printing thousands of books, it makes sense to simplify it, so as to save paper and ink.
I am fine with it, if Gorbachyov/Горбачёв/Gorbachёv is written as Gorbachev.
I am not ok with changing Semyon Semyonchenko/Семён Семенчёнко/Semёn Semёnchenko to Semen Semenchenko. Semen in English means сперма/sperm, which is also called "jizz" in slang. So, Semen Semenchenko means Jizz Jizzchenko. Ideally, it is better to use a standard grammar and spelling.
BTW, if you are so particular about writing, why say Яц? Might as well say Ѧц.
Яц или Ѧц?
Just call him Супер Cyka.
_________________________________________________________
I am generally tolerant towards regions having their right to pursue their culture, language, and traditions. Tolerance should limited to tolerant people. I see nothing wrong with nationalism, but ultra-nationalism is bad. Personally, I have very little sympathy for whatever is Ukrainian, after seeing the victims of Donbass. No offense to you.
_________________________________________________________
Historian: Bogus Polish Memorials in Russia May Have to Go@gadeshi Everything is propaganda against Russia. Everything is fake, Holodomor,Katyn,was a conspiracy theory,Katyn doesn't even exist.
You guys are trying to warn us about Russian Propaganda, but we are becoming warned about All Propaganda, including NATO propaganda.
When you poison someone's mind with doubt, it gets poisoned with doubt. Even if you poisoned it against your enemy, the mind gets poisoned against your enemy, and it also gets poisoned against you.
Last edited:
pmaitra
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Ukraine’s Local Elections Expose Poroshenko’s Weakening Grip
Victories of Opposition Bloc in the east and Svoboda in the west and poor showing of the ‘mainstream’ Maidan parties confirms growing disenchantment and polarisation
Alexander Mercouris | Russia Insider
The Western media has barely reported them but local elections took place in Ukraine on Sunday.
The elections took place in conditions of economic crisis, defeat in the Donbass and political violence.
Though the OSCE has, with some reservations but predictably enough, given the elections a fairly clean bill of health, it is impossible to call them free or fair.
The Communist Party, Ukraine’s oldest political party and once its biggest party, which was a serious contender for power as recently as the Presidential elections of 2000, has been banned.
Attempts were made to ban the only remaining legal anti-Maidan party, the Opposition Bloc, which is banned in parts of Western Ukraine, from contesting the elections in Kharkov.
Elections did not take place in two towns in eastern Ukraine - Krasnoarmeysk and the key port city of Mariupol - in the case of Mariupol supposedly because of a dispute with the local oligarch Rinat Akhmatov, but in reality almost certainly because the Opposition Bloc would have won a sweeping victory there.
In Kiev the biggest opposition newspaper was closed after months of relentless harassment, an event which follows closely upon a series of murders of opposition politicians and journalists.
Meanwhile Right Sector continues its rampage, and ultra-right groups have now taken to protesting violently - and regularly - in Kiev near to the parliament building.
Needless to say, scarcely any of this is reported in the West.
The elections took place against this backdrop and though they cannot because of it be considered an accurate reflection of opinion in Ukraine, they do nonetheless provide some information about the state of opinion there.
Firstly it is clear that despite regular claims of a political consolidation around the Maidan movement, opinion in those parts of southern and eastern Ukraine that formerly voted for Yanukovych and the Party of the Regions remains unchanged and continues to oppose Maidan.
The Opposition Bloc, made up largely of politicians who previously belonged to the Party of the Regions, won sweeping victories in those parts of southern and eastern Ukraine where the elections took place. It claims to have won majorities in 17 regions including Odessa, Zaporozhye and Dnepropetrovsk.
The election also demonstrates the collapse of support for what might be called Ukraine’s official government parties.
The party headed by Ukraine’s Prime Minister Arkady Yatsenyuk declined to take part in the elections at all. With Yatsenyuk’s support in low single figures, it obviously feared a wipe-out.
As we have discussed previously, the only thing keeping Yatsenyuk in office appears to be the fact the US still supports him.
Batkivshchyna, the party of former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, once a leading contender for power, seems to have done dreadfully - confirming that her popularity has collapsed.
The collapse of support for Yatsenyuk and Tymoshenko might once have been expected to work to Poroshenko’s advantage. Instead support for his party nationally seems to have fallen to just 18%.
In Odessa the candidate for mayor backed by former Georgian President Saakachvili - the man Poroshenko appointed to run the place - was conclusively defeated.
In Kiev Poroshenko’s ally Klitschko - once widely expected to be the Maidan movement’s candidate for the Presidency - has been forced into a run-off in the elections for mayor.
By contrast in Kharkov, Gennady Kernes, a former Party of the Regions politician with an uneasy relationship with Poroshenko and the central government, retained the mayoralty by a landslide.
In Dnepropetrovsk neither of the two politicians who will compete in the run-off in the elections for mayor is a known ally of Poroshenko’s.
Most worrying for Poroshenko is that such support as he still retains seems to be increasingly concentrated in the small towns and regions of central Ukraine. In the politically crucial region of western Ukraine support for him seems to be collapsing.
In Lviv the ultra-nationalist - in fact neo-fascist - party Svoboda, which is increasingly defining itself in opposition to Poroshenko and the government, came first in the region and second in the city.
Svoboda also seems to have won a substantial share of the vote in Kiev, though the vote there has come under particular criticism for electoral rigging from the Opposition Bloc, and may not be fully representative of opinion there.
Taken together this means that what passes in Ukraine for the political “centre” - Poroshenko’s Bloc, Yatsenyuk’s party and Tymoshenko’s Batkivshchyna - is not holding. Both in the east and the west it is being repudiated, by the anti-Maidan Opposition Bloc in the east, and by the growth of right wing ultra nationalist parties in the west.
Two facts, perhaps more than any others, show the degree to which Ukrainians are recoiling from mainstream politics.
Officially the turnout was 46.6% - a figure which, as Leonid Bershidsky rightly says, might appear respectable in Europe but is scarcely so in a country that is supposed to be in the grip of a revolution.
Yanukovych’s former Prime Minister Mykola Azarov, currently in exile in Moscow, has however cast doubt even on this figure, claiming that actual turnout may have been only half that.
Whilst Azarov is hardly a reliable source, the state of politics in Ukraine today means he may even be right.
Even more indicate of the general disenchantment is the election to a seat on Odessa’s council of an individual who calls himself “the Emperor Palpitane” - one of a group of individuals that includes people who call themselves names like Darth Vader and Chewbacca.
This is hardly serious politics, and the fact people who call themselves by such names are actually in places getting elected speaks volumes of what many people in Ukraine think their politics have become.
Where does Ukraine go from here?
There is a certain tendency to write-off the Opposition Bloc as a bunch of oligarchs and political has-beens.
That underestimates the risk in today’s Ukraine of associating oneself with such a party. Standing as a candidate for the Opposition Bloc when Right Sector is on the rampage takes courage, and it seems there are people in Ukraine who have it.
The Opposition Bloc is however hardly in a position to challenge the government. It simply lacks access to the necessary levers of power to mount such a challenge, and it would face violent repression if it tried.
No government in Kiev has to date been overthrown by protests in the country’s east, and the Opposition Bloc is in no position to change this.
What the Opposition Bloc’s success shows is that the people of southern and eastern Ukraine remain as distanced from the aims of the Maidan movement as ever. When given the option, they vote overwhelmingly for whatever anti-Maidan party is on offer.
In light of this one can say with reasonable confidence that opinion polls that purport to show that only 8% of Ukrainians favour rapprochement with Russia are almost certainly wrong.
Given the strength of anti-Maidan feeling on the ground, in the event of a government crisis in Kiev, the centre’s ability to control Ukraine’s southern and eastern regions and to prevent them going their own way must now be in doubt.
It is however from the ultra-nationalist ultra-right forces that any challenge to the government is more likely to come.
As support for the government crumbles, it is the ultra-nationalist and ultra-right neo fascist parties who are gaining support in the west of the country and in Kiev - the places where protests have traditionally led to Ukrainian governments being overthrown.
These forces are already in de facto opposition to the government. They make no secret of their hostility to many of its politics, and of course they staunchly oppose the peace plan agreed in Minsk.
The government’s failure to crack down on Right Sector shows how precarious its grip on the security situation has become, whilst the violence of some of the recent ultra-right protests in Kiev shows how willing to use violence the ultra-right forces are.
As Ukraine’s economic situation deteriorates, and as the conflict in eastern Ukraine remains deadlocked, the political situation in Ukraine is becoming increasingly volatile and unstable.
Victories of Opposition Bloc in the east and Svoboda in the west and poor showing of the ‘mainstream’ Maidan parties confirms growing disenchantment and polarisation
Alexander Mercouris | Russia Insider
The Western media has barely reported them but local elections took place in Ukraine on Sunday.
The elections took place in conditions of economic crisis, defeat in the Donbass and political violence.
Though the OSCE has, with some reservations but predictably enough, given the elections a fairly clean bill of health, it is impossible to call them free or fair.
The Communist Party, Ukraine’s oldest political party and once its biggest party, which was a serious contender for power as recently as the Presidential elections of 2000, has been banned.
Attempts were made to ban the only remaining legal anti-Maidan party, the Opposition Bloc, which is banned in parts of Western Ukraine, from contesting the elections in Kharkov.
Elections did not take place in two towns in eastern Ukraine - Krasnoarmeysk and the key port city of Mariupol - in the case of Mariupol supposedly because of a dispute with the local oligarch Rinat Akhmatov, but in reality almost certainly because the Opposition Bloc would have won a sweeping victory there.
In Kiev the biggest opposition newspaper was closed after months of relentless harassment, an event which follows closely upon a series of murders of opposition politicians and journalists.
Meanwhile Right Sector continues its rampage, and ultra-right groups have now taken to protesting violently - and regularly - in Kiev near to the parliament building.
Needless to say, scarcely any of this is reported in the West.
The elections took place against this backdrop and though they cannot because of it be considered an accurate reflection of opinion in Ukraine, they do nonetheless provide some information about the state of opinion there.
Firstly it is clear that despite regular claims of a political consolidation around the Maidan movement, opinion in those parts of southern and eastern Ukraine that formerly voted for Yanukovych and the Party of the Regions remains unchanged and continues to oppose Maidan.
The Opposition Bloc, made up largely of politicians who previously belonged to the Party of the Regions, won sweeping victories in those parts of southern and eastern Ukraine where the elections took place. It claims to have won majorities in 17 regions including Odessa, Zaporozhye and Dnepropetrovsk.
The election also demonstrates the collapse of support for what might be called Ukraine’s official government parties.
The party headed by Ukraine’s Prime Minister Arkady Yatsenyuk declined to take part in the elections at all. With Yatsenyuk’s support in low single figures, it obviously feared a wipe-out.
As we have discussed previously, the only thing keeping Yatsenyuk in office appears to be the fact the US still supports him.
Batkivshchyna, the party of former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, once a leading contender for power, seems to have done dreadfully - confirming that her popularity has collapsed.
The collapse of support for Yatsenyuk and Tymoshenko might once have been expected to work to Poroshenko’s advantage. Instead support for his party nationally seems to have fallen to just 18%.
In Odessa the candidate for mayor backed by former Georgian President Saakachvili - the man Poroshenko appointed to run the place - was conclusively defeated.
In Kiev Poroshenko’s ally Klitschko - once widely expected to be the Maidan movement’s candidate for the Presidency - has been forced into a run-off in the elections for mayor.
By contrast in Kharkov, Gennady Kernes, a former Party of the Regions politician with an uneasy relationship with Poroshenko and the central government, retained the mayoralty by a landslide.
In Dnepropetrovsk neither of the two politicians who will compete in the run-off in the elections for mayor is a known ally of Poroshenko’s.
Most worrying for Poroshenko is that such support as he still retains seems to be increasingly concentrated in the small towns and regions of central Ukraine. In the politically crucial region of western Ukraine support for him seems to be collapsing.
In Lviv the ultra-nationalist - in fact neo-fascist - party Svoboda, which is increasingly defining itself in opposition to Poroshenko and the government, came first in the region and second in the city.
Svoboda also seems to have won a substantial share of the vote in Kiev, though the vote there has come under particular criticism for electoral rigging from the Opposition Bloc, and may not be fully representative of opinion there.
Taken together this means that what passes in Ukraine for the political “centre” - Poroshenko’s Bloc, Yatsenyuk’s party and Tymoshenko’s Batkivshchyna - is not holding. Both in the east and the west it is being repudiated, by the anti-Maidan Opposition Bloc in the east, and by the growth of right wing ultra nationalist parties in the west.
Two facts, perhaps more than any others, show the degree to which Ukrainians are recoiling from mainstream politics.
Officially the turnout was 46.6% - a figure which, as Leonid Bershidsky rightly says, might appear respectable in Europe but is scarcely so in a country that is supposed to be in the grip of a revolution.
Yanukovych’s former Prime Minister Mykola Azarov, currently in exile in Moscow, has however cast doubt even on this figure, claiming that actual turnout may have been only half that.
Whilst Azarov is hardly a reliable source, the state of politics in Ukraine today means he may even be right.
Even more indicate of the general disenchantment is the election to a seat on Odessa’s council of an individual who calls himself “the Emperor Palpitane” - one of a group of individuals that includes people who call themselves names like Darth Vader and Chewbacca.
This is hardly serious politics, and the fact people who call themselves by such names are actually in places getting elected speaks volumes of what many people in Ukraine think their politics have become.
Where does Ukraine go from here?
There is a certain tendency to write-off the Opposition Bloc as a bunch of oligarchs and political has-beens.
That underestimates the risk in today’s Ukraine of associating oneself with such a party. Standing as a candidate for the Opposition Bloc when Right Sector is on the rampage takes courage, and it seems there are people in Ukraine who have it.
The Opposition Bloc is however hardly in a position to challenge the government. It simply lacks access to the necessary levers of power to mount such a challenge, and it would face violent repression if it tried.
No government in Kiev has to date been overthrown by protests in the country’s east, and the Opposition Bloc is in no position to change this.
What the Opposition Bloc’s success shows is that the people of southern and eastern Ukraine remain as distanced from the aims of the Maidan movement as ever. When given the option, they vote overwhelmingly for whatever anti-Maidan party is on offer.
In light of this one can say with reasonable confidence that opinion polls that purport to show that only 8% of Ukrainians favour rapprochement with Russia are almost certainly wrong.
Given the strength of anti-Maidan feeling on the ground, in the event of a government crisis in Kiev, the centre’s ability to control Ukraine’s southern and eastern regions and to prevent them going their own way must now be in doubt.
It is however from the ultra-nationalist ultra-right forces that any challenge to the government is more likely to come.
As support for the government crumbles, it is the ultra-nationalist and ultra-right neo fascist parties who are gaining support in the west of the country and in Kiev - the places where protests have traditionally led to Ukrainian governments being overthrown.
These forces are already in de facto opposition to the government. They make no secret of their hostility to many of its politics, and of course they staunchly oppose the peace plan agreed in Minsk.
The government’s failure to crack down on Right Sector shows how precarious its grip on the security situation has become, whilst the violence of some of the recent ultra-right protests in Kiev shows how willing to use violence the ultra-right forces are.
As Ukraine’s economic situation deteriorates, and as the conflict in eastern Ukraine remains deadlocked, the political situation in Ukraine is becoming increasingly volatile and unstable.
Akim
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ПереводчикNothing particularly wrong in writing Львов as Львів, but changing Николаев to Миколаїв is nonsense. I do prefer Львов though.
Similarly, you can write Коммерсантъ or Коммерсант. If one is to consider printing thousands of books, it makes sense to simplify it, so as to save paper and ink.
I am fine with it, if Gorbachyov/Горбачёв/Gorbachёv is written as Gorbachev.
I am not ok with changing Semyon Semyonchenko/Семён Семенчёнко/Semёn Semёnchenko to Semen Semenchenko. Semen in English means сперма/sperm, which is also called "jizz" in slang. So, Semen Semenchenko means Jizz Jizzchenko. Ideally, it is better to use a standard grammar and spelling.
BTW, if you are so particular about writing, why say Яц? Might as well say Ѧц.
Яц или Ѧц?
Just call him Супер Cyka.
If I begin to list how you can interpret English words into Russian - you'll be stunned. Ебаут май хаус.
Akim
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Enough of us divided into three grades. Yes, we are different, but we have the general idea!"Opposition Block" party results on local elections in Ukraine. The picture shows the same division, that existed before Maidan.
Good to see Ukrainian soldiers well equipped,not like somalian styles ..............like others.....)))))))))))
Good to see how they changed compared to a year ago.
pmaitra
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Ukraine's economy however is Somalian style.
Akim
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However, the Ukrainian rocket flies into space slightly smaller than the Indian.
Akim
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Pay attention. All BTR has ATGM missiles. A year ago, the armored vehicles had no new missiles, so the launchers ustanavlivalim old 9M111. Now - a new generation of missiles.
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