Oppression in Balochistan and its struggle for freedom

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default...7-3-2010_pg3_5

Basically, the jirga is saying that it does not trust the military establishment, which is leading the dialogue with the US. The military establishment will follow the policy of strategic depth in Afghanistan, which is the key cause of the sufferings of Pakhtuns on both sides of the Durand Line

Days before the Pak-US strategic dialogue in Washington on the issue of terrorism, a grand tribal jirga was held in Peshawar. The jirga was participated in by civil society members, lawyers, doctors, students, minorities, tribal leaders and elders of the anti-Taliban peace committees and representatives of anti-Taliban political parties, the Awami National Party (ANP), the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), the Awami Party (AP) and the National Party (NP). Each and every political agency of FATA and district of the Pakhtunkhwa province was well represented. The participants included women and religious and sectarian minorities. As defiance of the Taliban’s ban on music and dance, the jirga commenced and ended with traditional Pakhtun dances and music.

Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi and the Chief of the Army Staff (COAS) General Kayani are leading the delegation that is holding the strategic dialogue with the US. There is no Pakhtun representative in the delegation and, therefore, the jirga demanded representation of the Pakhtuns in the dialogue. It seems that the PPP, which represents a large Pakhtun vote bank, has given up or has been compelled by the military establishment to stay away from foreign policy formulation. There is, therefore, no hope that the head of the Pak-delegation, Foreign Minister Qureshi, would highlight the Pakhtun perspective in the meetings with the US authorities. The perception of the jirga members was that the foreign minister would toe the line dictated by the COAS.

The jirga members categorically expressed the apprehension that the strategic dialogue would come out with a short-term and selective solution of terrorism. The solution would be aimed at sparing some terrorists, targeting others, shaking hands with some and leaving the helpless people of FATA and the Pakhtunkhwa province at the mercy of the Pakistan Army and its intelligence agencies.

This solution can help President Obama to win another term in office and can also facilitate General Kayani to get further extension in his service as COAS, but it cannot bring real peace to the region or the wider world.

Whatever is the mutually agreed upon anti-terrorism strategy of the US and Pakistan, the jirga members were unanimous that they would measure the decrease or increase in terrorism on the criteria set in the Peshawar Declaration jointly approved in a similar grand jirga in December 2009. The two key causes of terrorism identified by the Peshawar Declaration are: strategic depth policy of the military establishment of Pakistan; and the Arab expansionism embodied by al Qaeda under the garb of global Islam. To end terrorism, the policy of strategic depth has to be given up and al Qaeda has to be crushed.

Killing or capturing al Qaeda terrorists may not be a difficult task. To give up the strategic depth idea would be a great deal of work. This implies that targeted military operations have to be undertaken in several parts of Punjab, like Muridke, Jhang, Dera Ghazi Khan, Rahim Yar Khan and Bahawalpur, etc. The Punjab-based militant organisations that are banned, but continue to function under new names, have to be really banned and crushed. To root out the terrorist mindset, the state will have to eliminate the curriculum and literature taught in Pakistani schools and madrassas, which is based on hatred of women, Jews, Hindus and Shias and violent jihad against them and, last but not the least, all the Taliban infrastructure and their important leaders in FATA and Pakhtunkhwa province have to be eliminated through targeted military operations.

Moreover, the jirga demanded that the international aid given to Pakistan in the name of terrorism must be spent in FATA and the Pakhtunkhwa province. People of this area, who disproportionately suffer much more from terrorism than people in any other area in Pakistan, must receive the benefits of the aid in terms of education, health and jobs. Furthermore, whether in the military or the government of Pakistan, people who are responsible for corruption in the aid money must be made accountable and punished.

Hardly any jirga member was confident that the state is ready to initiate all these measures. Therefore, they agreed to convene another grand jirga within the next few months to address the evolving situation, following the Pak-US strategic dialogue.

Basically, the jirga is saying that it does not trust the military establishment, which is leading the dialogue with the US. The military establishment will follow the policy of strategic depth in Afghanistan, which is the key cause of the sufferings of Pakhtuns on both sides of the Durand Line. In this context, the jirga expressed misgivings over the US role in the ongoing strategic dialogue. The jirga members said that either the US does not understand the problem of terrorism in Pakhtunkhwa, including FATA, or has some ulterior motives that the superpower wants to achieve through the strategic dialogue at the cost of Pakhtun blood.

A common agreement in the jirga was that the US and NATO forces want to leave Afghanistan. The London Conference in January 2010, the NATO, Russian and Pakistani military chiefs’ meeting in Brussels in the same month and now the US-Pakistan strategic dialogue are all steps in this direction. The problem with this approach is that it does not pay attention to the grievances of anti-Taliban Pakhtuns in FATA and the Pakhtunkhwa province and the role of the intelligence agencies of Pakistan in it. If something is not done to curtail that role, the Pakhtun will continue to suffer death and destruction; Islamist extremism will grow and the ultimate beneficiaries will be al Qaeda and the military establishment of Pakistan.

The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo, and a member of Aryana Institute for Regional Research and Advocacy. She can be reached at [email protected]

It's not just Punjabis anymore, I can tell you there are plenty of dictatorial Khans and Sindhis sitting in once Punjabi occupied thrones of power. It's a fascist ideology given birth by yes mostly Punjabi elite but essentially puritanical Islamists that has sucked away the identity of once proud peoples. They first had to give up their previous "filthy" identity to obtain the new "Pak" one. This is where the problem lies. Balochi's would rather be covered in filth than live cleanly under the yoke of subjugation and the same can be said for many suppressed minorities in Pakistan, who were once a flourishing and vibrant people are now either extremely destitute or being bombed in their own clean lands.

I firmly believe the Baloch people are being suppressed by both Iran and Pakistan. These are a nomadic people at heart and it is very easy for governments to abuse them from what I have observed. In terms of Pakistan's accusations of Indian hand in Balochistan...there is no proof. People can acquire assault weapons from their local markets in Pakistan. It doesn't take Confucious, divine intervention or Indian hand to train teach guerrilla tactics to a ticked off group of people either. Thick headed Pakistani politicians only highlight their inept capabilities as they are completely unable to govern more than half of the country and need an explanation to the constituents that do give a rats ass as to why things are in such bad shape in Balouchistan.

'Declare Pakistan a terrorist state'


Baloch and Sindhi activists here have demanded that Pakistan be declared a ''terrorist state''.
A large number of people from the two communities converged in front of the BBC World Service office in London to protest and observe Pakistan's illegal occupation of the “independent state” of Balochistan on March 27, 1948, a day that has since been declared as ''Black Day''.

"This is the time the world should realize and they should, I think, this is the time for the security, for the peace and for the stability of the region, and the international community that they should declare Pakistan as a terrorist state," Samad Baloch, a member of the Baloch Human Rights Council, said.

The protest intended to tell the international community, including the UN, that Balochistan should be recognized as an occupied country.

The protesters, holding placards with anti-Pakistan slogans, its military, and human rights violations, blamed Pakistani authorities for settling Taliban militia everywhere in the country.


"Basically, they are settling Taliban everywhere; they are settling Taliban in Gilgit and Baltistan; they are settling Taliban in Pakistani-occupied Kashmir; they are settling Taliban in Sindh; they are settling Taliban in Balochistan, because they are their strategic extension," said Lakhu Luhana, Secretary General, World Sindhi Congress, UK.

Luhana said that Sindhis and Balochs are being denied their basic rights.

"People are being disappeared, the political activists, and the Sindhi people… historical rights, political rights and legal rights and cultural rights, they have been completely denied them. There is no law and order, they have entered into poverty and suffering and that has descended on Sindh and Balochistan," he said.

The protestors also said their struggle would continue until they had achieved their goal of a free Balochistan.

They said that Pakistan never wants to resolve the Kashmir issue, as it would then stop receiving international aid.

"If the Kashmir problem solved, how Pakistan General…becoming…take money, so they are the most corrupt army in the world, people call it fifth largest army of the world, but we say this is the most corrupt army in the world," Mir Ghulam Hussain, Information Secretary, Baloch Human Rights Council, UK, said.

New Delhi accuses Pakistan of sponsoring terror in Indian-administered Kashmir. Pakistan, which claims Kashmir in full, has consistently denied its involvement in abetting an anti-India insurgency that has killed more than 47,000 people since 1989.

Former legislative assembly member from Balochistan and member of the powerful Marri tribe, Harbiya Marri, also said that Pakistan has no intentions to have peace with India, and the dialogue between the two countries is a farce.

"They have no intention of having peace with Pakistan because they have to maintain this large army and the army is main ruler of Pakistan, which is controlling Pakistan for the last 62 years. So this is the creation of this artificial stage. So, they have to have some sort of dialogue to show we want peace but in reality the intentions are not peace. They want these camps to be maintained to keep on terrorizing Indian government, people and the whole world," he said.

India broke off a four-year-long sluggish peace initiative with Pakistan after the November 26, 2008 Mumbai attacks, saying dialogue could resume only if Islamabad acted against militants on its soil. It blamed the attacks, which killed 166 people, on Pakistan-based militants.

guys 1971 is about to be repeated I think:

http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=28066

^^Nope.ANp though holds power in NWFP its by far a marginalised party.Overall NWFP is a conglomeration of fragmented pukhtoon tribes.thats one reason NWFP never got united as one fighting force.Though ANP is the most secular party in pakistan its leaders were called Indian gents and it had to face pak army's/govt's crackdowns many a time in last 63 yrs.On the other hand bengalis were the one culturally united force and they were the biggest etnic nos. in pakistan at that time it was always very difficult for Pak army to crush that majority.now punjabis being the biggest ethnic group in pakistan now its easy for it to crush any revolt in nwfp just like in balochistan.

one Tit bit Khan abdul gaffar khan was not in favour of Nwfp joining pakistan he was more of in favour of joining india.

BANGKOK CONFERENCE: Governance in Balochistan

Below is the text of paper presented by Ms.wendy Johnson at Bangkok conference, title "Governance in Balochistan"

Three images I have seen cross my website over the past few years abide in my memory. One is a photo of students in Quetta—dressed in white dress shirts and black slacks, lying on the street, protesting the lack of places for them at a university. Another is a video of a woman with ropes over her shoulders, dragging something. As the camera follows her, in what appears to be a desert, it soon becomes apparent—and this video is very cinematic—that she is laboriously drawing water from a well. This is 2009, mind you. A third image is a photo of a woman, her face an expression of anguish—resting her cheek against posters depicting the disappeared and the dead in Balochistan.

What these people have in common is a desperate need for a solution to their troubles—a decent and representative government.

When my friends and I interviewed Khan Suleiman Daud in 2006, he noted that after World War II, there were winners and there were losers and that the Baloch were amongst the losers. The Baloch, however, have endured more than just the short-end of realpolitik. Pakistani rule in the province has been characterized by gross human rights violations. The disappearances and murders of Baloch citizens and activists are all well-documented, though not common knowledge outside of Pakistan. In addition to political loss and loss of life, the Baloch suffer another type of turning of the screw, as it were.

Author and activist Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur recently published an article regarding the sale of vast tracts of farmland in Balochistan province to Middle Eastern countries: “Reports indicate that the Gulf States have acquired more than 150,000 hectares of land in Balochistan near Mirani Dam to begin mechanized farming.” Mir Mohammad notes that $2 billion will be spent to hire a security force of 100,000 men to “stabilize the investment environment.”

Now since 1948 the Baloch have fought five insurgencies against Pakistan in an effort to secure their rights and gain autonomy or regain independence. So while the Pakistan central government is supposedly negotiating with the Baloch province to end this latest insurgency, what does it do? It sells Baloch land to foreign investors. In the US, in manslaughter murder cases, provocation is defined as an act that would cause a reasonable person to lose control. If these sales do not constitute provocation, I don’t know what does. This sale is evidence of the depraved indifference by which the Pakistan federal government regards the Baloch. The Baloch are amongst the poorest citizens of Pakistan. If the Pakistani government were actually representing the interests of its citizens, it would’ve helped local Baloch irrigate that land so they might instead produce and sell food to those who need it in the Middle East. A legitimate government would not sell the very territory the Baloch have fought five insurgencies to secure. http://dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp...7-2-2010_pg3_4)

The irony, of course, is that Pakistan is a signatory to the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The third paragraph of the Declaration states that human rights should be protected by rule of law so that people are not compelled to rebellion against tyranny. I would argue that actions by successive Pakistani governments would compel any reasonable person to rebel—and many of these acts are even more provocative than those that drove the American states to “collectively [determine] that the British monarchy, by acts of tyranny, could no longer legitimately claim their allegiance.” (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Revolution)

So if Pakistan has proved incapable of claiming the allegiance of the Baloch in its 60 years of rule, what alternatives do the Baloch offer?

I don’t speak Balochi and my Urdu is weak. I therefore can’t read what is being proposed as solutions within Balochistan in the local languages. As far back as 1957, the National Awami Party (which at various times was comprised of members like Khair Bakhsh Marri, Ataullah Mengal, Ghaws Bakhsh Bizenjo and Gul Khan Nasir, and Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti), called for progressive items like land reform, nationalization of industry, etc. And when the party came to power in 1972, it tried during its 9 months in power to implement some dramatic changes like abolishing the sardari system. (Paul Titus: Knights, Not Pawns, pg. 51, 59-61) At present, In English, I see calls for full autonomy or independence, but as an outsider, what is missing for me is a plan for the peace—What happens when the dust settles? What will peace look like? Producing a clearly articulated plan is important for a number of reasons:

One can say ‘We are suffering a slow-motion genocide, we want our independence back’ but that approach doesn’t offer potential allies any clues as to how or where their NGO or organizations might fit in to help you realize your goals.

A plan for the peace gives insiders and outsiders a reason to believe that the average Baloch will be better off than under Pakistani rule. After all, if this is not the case, it hardly matters who is ripping off the Baloch. My friend who works for a labor NGO recently returned from Nicaragua. There she met a cab driver who was a former Sandanista guerrilla. He was adamant about voting Daniel Ortega out of office. He said in no uncertain terms, while waving his hands at the poverty around him, ‘THIS--THIS is not what we fought and died for.’

There is a lot at stake in Balochistan, especially with regards to untapped resources. In the absence of a framework, and understanding, of how these will be managed, there is a chance you will find that when the dust settles those who supported the sharing of all resources for the purpose of development will suddenly have a different understanding of what it means to ‘share.’

The world is rife with evidence that resources do not guarantee development and prosperity. More often than not, resources enrich only a very very few elites. I have just read a fascinating article about how Mongolia plans to tackle its newfound problems in relation to resource management and I can share this with you later.

And the intrigue over these resources won’t originate just from within; it will come from without, as well. Absent a clear framework that citizens are enthusiastic to see enacted, and more importantly expect their leaders to adhere to, it is very possible that in this fog, outside forces will peel the Baloch off one-by-one, as the British and Pakistanis have so successfully done in the past. For since the British became involved in Balochistan in the early 1800s, and since Pakistan strong-armed and cajoled some Baloch areas into joining Pakistan, Balochistan has known nothing but intrigue and subterfuge on the part of outsiders. Every outside actor has worked directly or indirectly to undermine any unity your largely autonomous and independent Baloch tribes enjoyed. For English readers, these machinations are well-documented in Martin Axman’s recent book ‘Back to the Future,’ in Khan Ahmad Yar Khan’s ‘Inside Baluchistan,’ in Taj Mohammad Breseeg’s ‘Baloch Nationalism, Its Origins and Development’ and in Paul Titus’ excellent article, “Knights, Not Pawns: Ethno-Nationalism and Regional Dynamics in Post-Colonial Balochistan.” (Intl. J. Middle East Studies, 32, 2001, 47-69)

We witnessed just recently a very bald example of outside pressure. When Balochistan Chief Minister Nawab Raisani canceled an agreement with Tethyan Copper, a joint venture with Barrick Gold and Antofagasta, within days, US Ambassador Patterson called on the Pakistani govt to pressure the Baloch provincial govt to honor that agreement. Now this agreement was drawn up with a company the Swiss firm Covalence described in a Jan 2010 report as the 12th least ethical company in the world. The 12th least ethical company in the world. WHY would Pakistan and the US object to the Baloch trying to cut a better and more environmentally sound deal for themselves?

Lastly a plan for the peace provides the Baloch with a chance to introduce yourselves to the world—on your terms. To take some control of your profile, as it were. At present, to the outsider, the Baloch appear as victims. Your lives and desires and characters have been painted for the world by British colonialists and the Pakistani military and govt—and they have willingly, avidly, described you as a backwards tribal province that doesn’t develop because it prefers to be ruled by autocratic sardars who line their pockets vs. develop your province. That this is not the case was clear even in 1957 when the NAP, who members were comprised of many from sardar families, called for the most radical reforms. Additionally, you are at the mercy of the Western media who generally lumps you in with those living in the troubled tribal AfPak theater—identifying you mainly as the hideout of the Quetta shura. Balochistan has the misfortune of being surrounded by countries with no human rights records of note. At least Haiti’s proximity to the US ensures that social and political activists have often visited and are aware of what has transpired in that country. When Haiti suffered its earthquake, activists were quick to jump on board to monitor how the shock doctrine advocates would try to take advantage of the situation. You have no one in your backyard to do this for you.

B. Raman writes that the US is being sucked into Pakistan’s world of illusions. (Bahukutumbi Raman, Feb 8, 2010, South Asia Analysis Group). The question for the Baloch is how to do a creative end-run around those illusions that the Pakistani govt weaves for the US? How to land on the world stage and reveal to the West that you are PLU—people like us? The world by now has a better picture of the Pakistan government and military’s duplicitous nature vis a vis the Taliban, but it has an incomplete picture of Balochistan. It does not understand what the Baloch are trying to escape. You can paint this picture for them.

A couple months ago in NY I attended a lecture by the famous Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Zizek. I’ll paraphrase what he said: ‘We are really living in cynical times, forced to act as if we are free. We have choice, but no background. In other words, most of us don’t have access to the full information needed to make the best decisions. Nevertheless, I think it is possible to reach some general agreement on the overarching goals of an autonomous or independent Balochistan which can then be communicated to the court of world opinion.

How to craft such an agreement?

My suggestion would be to hold a constitutional convention in Balochistan. A type of shahi jirga, if you like—as Khan Suleiman Daud called in 2006 to discuss the ICJ case. I would not draft a declaration of independence—you don’t want to invite a military crackdown. Rather this should be a convention designed to discuss issues related to a constitution, rule of law and resource management. All of these are legitimate topics of discussion given that negotiations are already ongoing in the province with the central govt over issues of autonomy.

I would invite representatives from each and every political and armed group to speak—all chiefs, activists, lawyers, labor leaders. Every single village should have an voice at this convention, whether it be through a political party or a municipal organization. The diaspora leaders and groups can phone in via skype or internet conferencing. Each representative in this roundtable should have a chance to present his ideas related to the agenda. This meeting should be held over a period of days so that at the end of each day, representatives can report back to their respective groups via phone or internet regarding what was said.

After all have spoken, each representative should have a second chance to speak, having heard all the presentations and had time to consult with party members, villagers at home, etc., in order to gather additional data to bolster his message, or to throw his weight behind better ideas.

At the end of this process, the convention should elect a team of lawyers to draft a working agreement for wide dissemination and discussion. At a later date, regroup to offer amendments, and follow this with a vote.

At that point, I am assuming we will all be looking a quite progressive document. How do you take it to the court of world opinion when so far you haven’t been able to get the media to come to you? Publish this text. Take out a full page ad in the New York Times. Tell the readers of one of the most widely read newspapers in the world what you are trying to accomplish in the mess that is AfPak. This would win the attention of honorable international players. It educates. It removes a negative and can claim a huge positive—distinguishing Balochistan from Pakistan, on your terms.

Two of the most important elements in this agreement should relate to rule of law and management of resources.

If Balochistan wants to develop swiftly, it can’t have a patchwork of laws and methods of enforcing them that vary from tribal area to tribal area. As Attaullah Mengal said in 2006, “A tribal system or tribal chieftan will only help as far as the struggle is concerned. After that it has to be again, reshaped into the modern democratic system as prevailing in the international world. We don’t have to go back to the stone age again and pick up the remains or pieces from there. We have to switch straight away into a democratic system.”

One needs uniformity and transparency if one is going to do business in the international arena.

I have had first hand experience with what happens when a system isn’t trusted. When I helped Begum Jamila Daud build a website to, in part, raise money for Baloch internally displaced persons, we had tremendous difficulty finding a method for her NGO to receive donations. Amazingly (or not) PayPal will not do business in Pakistan. PayPal will do business in Albania, but not Pakistan. At present, your small start-up businesses—the enthusiastic young entrepreneurs who can help jump-start an economy—they can’t compete in the world market. Rather they waste a lot of time on workarounds that cost them business. The internet has ushered in some intriguing ways for inventors to make money through a concept called crowd sourcing. Without global standards related to banking and law, your young creatives just can’t participate.

Equally important is the subject of resource management. Chief Minister Raisani recently called for full autonomy and full Baloch control over resources. My question as an outsider—What does Chief Minister Raisani mean by ‘control?’ Who will control the resources in an autonomous or independent Balochistan? This is not a simple question.

I have spoken to Baloch from all walks of life. There is not one who does not envision and hope for a progressive state with features like Social Security, unemployment insurance, education, universities, health care, technology centers, eco-tourism, etc. The only way this is going to happen is with revenue from your resources. Now some Baloch believe that all resources (above and below ground) should be nationalized. They want to emulate a Norway which tops every single list in the world that measures standard of living metrics.

Others believe that the control of resources should return to those on whose land they sit, with a generous percentage of revenue then contributed to federal coffers.

While this latter may be a practical solution, it will probably not lead to the speediest development—the most important reason being—it doesn’t allow for efficient planning and it leaves negotiations in the hands of individual property owners—many of whom will be more or less skilled negotiators. In practical terms, it is a transparency and monitoring nightmare. And if the control of resources does not revert to individual landowners--how might they he be compensated so that one doesn’t feel dispossessed?

Such complex matters could benefit greatly from research into how other countries have resolved these issues. How did land use issues unfold in Norway? How were the Indian Princely states brought on board when they joined India? This is where Baloch lawyers, educators and students can step up to the plate. All students have to write papers—here is an opportunity for university students to produce work, policy papers, that can help contribute to the building of a nation.

Ultimately, no one should regard control of resources as a means to getting rich. If not well-managed and shared, it is possible these resources will leave a legacy of only a few more SUVs for a few more people. And when the resources run out, Balochistan is finished if it has developed no options other than to rely on its land for income.

A rationale for adopting a Norwegian shared model is this: right now a sardar or landowner may possess copper that is worth a lot in the present market. His neighbor may have nothing—maybe only desert that is fit for goats to graze on. But perhaps that copper has to travel over his neighbor’s land to reach Gwadar. Without use of his neighbors’ property and without that port sitting on the property of his coastal neighbors, that copper is useless. And one day, his copper will be exhausted. For ex., some say the Chinese will empty Saindak copper mine in 10 years, vs. 19 as originally planned. One day that copper owner may have nothing but desert.

If, however, the resource had been managed by the state—that landowner may now have a pension or social security that is paid by the Baloch government. His children will have jobs that were generated when Balochistan put its development into high gear. His descendents will not have to rely on land as a source of income.

If people think long-term vs. short-term profits and gains, Balochistan has a chance to emulate an eastern Norway, with sunny beaches to boot.

Once there is some general agreement as to how a Baloch government would operate, teams can be organized to reach out to international groups who can help realize your goals.

Before coming here, I did a search on eco-friendly mining. Not easy. Some say impossible. Nevertheless, I found a company that is absolutely worth exploring. This company has developed a process by which they can extract minerals without using precious water resources. The representative I spoke to was really enthusiastic about the idea of working in Balochistan. If the Baloch could unite behind a plan for the peace and agenda, establish teams to crunch numbers and research the issues that need resolution, when a situation like Tethyan arises, and the US pressures you to work with a company like Barrick Gold, you can announce to the court of world opinion—We want to do business with an eco-friendly company. We don’t want to sacrifice our environment for a couple schools and a clinic that Tethyan will provide—we can build those ourselves if we get a fair price for our minerals and our environment isn’t destroyed in the process. Environmental activists would jump on board. Greenpeace, the Sierra Club, Oceana—they would all be more than willing to help you write policy.


These research teams could also start to form relationships with environmental monitors. Pakistan recently said in relation to the environmental degradation and lack of oversight at Chinese-run Saindak Copper that “The option of engaging some international firm for the scheme was not considered because of the high costs.” Saindak generates billions of dollars in revenue. This argument is disingenuous at best.

In all of this, the most important element is transparency, checks and balances.

And now, with technology advances, it is even possible to engage the average citizen in a transparent way. I would like to see a central Baloch government develop (or buy) a database that is accessible by computer from every village. That computer could be in a tea shop or a library, wherever there is a central location. And I would like to see that lady, who so laboriously drew water from that well, to be able to type in (and have the education to type in) a suggestion regarding her need. And this database should be searchable by others. That way, in a village 400 miles away, someone who has a similar need can maybe coordinate to lobby their local and federal government to solve the issue. Additionally, maybe this database is linked to one of these crowdsourcing databases where people are plying their inventions. Maybe the Baloch govt could form an entire department populated by students who ply these crowdsourcing databases for innovative technical solutions to Baloch problems.

And though I believe that Zizek is right—we are living in cynical times. However, there are still enormous quantities of good will out there. And that good will is there to engage. Awhile back I got a Baloch landowner to volunteer to contribute land for wind generation. Our plan was to put up wind turbines on land that wasn’t at present in use. All the profits from the wind generation would go to build schools and clinics in Balochistan. I contacted a friend of mine at 3M in the US. He started to research turbines and solar technologies that could function in the Baloch environment. That is where idealism butted up against reality. First, it was tricky to find accurate and current wind maps of the area. Then there were technical issues related to wind turbines and sand. Anyone who has visited parts of Balochistan knows that the wind carries much more than blue skies. Beyond that—questions of how to connect to the electrical grid—which does NOT criss-cross Balochistan in any convenient or accessible pattern—in order to sell the electricity. All these problems have technical solutions, but they may not yet be practical or they may be costly.

Developing Balochistan will take patience, diligence and foresight. There is no get-rich quick scheme here. And the only way this is going to happen is by returning to your cultural roots.

I was fascinated to learn in Martin Axman’s book that Baloch tribes, unlike Pashtun tribes, were not originally related by blood. Rather, the varieties of ethnic groups (Jats, Baloch, Brahui, etc.) who gathered in this area—this no man’s land—they formed tribes. A man contributed to a tribe—to its wellbeing and defence—and in return, received land—a tribal version of the Latin phrase “Unus pro omnibus, omnes pro uno "One for all, all for one”. This type of collaboration is what will turn Balochistan into the modern state that so many wish for.

What is clear in Martin Axmann’s book, despite his descriptions of individual foibles, is that the Baloch have, throughout history, worked really really hard to stay independent. At times, some have even been willing to undermine the unity of a greater Balochistan, in an attempt to secure their own autonomy. What is equally clear is that the British and Pakistan have worked very very hard to undermine Baloch unity when it served their purposes.

Nevertheless, this is not the time to run a truth commission. Rather, it is a time to win people over. Your tribal inheritance makes you well-suited to concepts of majority rule and sharing. I don’t think you need to focus at this point on the failings of individuals. They are only one voice in a majority rule system.

In closing, I would like to say this. In relation to the complex issues that lie waiting for resolution, I was reminded of a quote when reading about Agha Naseer Khan in Martin Axmann’s history. Following the Standstill Agreement, Balochistan’s Khan Ahmad Yar Khan issued Kalat’s Declaration of Independence. Kalat’s constitution called for a Lower House of Commons. There was, however, at the time, no election machinery in place in Kalat state. The philosopher Zizek says that when we are in a deadlock, we are forced to invent something. So how did one creative soul solve this problem? Agha Naseer went to each area in Jhalawan and had local jirga elders be the electorate. He went to every tehsil (or district) and conducted elections and Kalat’s first House of Commons came into being—within a week (Axmann, ps. 228). As Ralph Waldo Emerson said: “What lies behind us and lies before us are small matters compared to what lies within us.” What lies within the Baloch has the power to transform a society and educate the world, and inspire your provincial neighbors. Many Baloch, to paraphrase a Greek proverb, have already chosen to plant trees in whose shade they will never live in. Let’s do our creative best to honor their memories.

Javed Chaudhry - host of Kal Tak program in Pakistan - describes the historical treatment of Baluchistan by the Pakistani federal government. He explains how: (a) the people of Baluchistan have been denied their fair share of development funds from the national budget; (b) the province's considerable mineral wealth has been put to the use of industry in Punjab and Sindh without adequate compensation; and (c) Baluch's activism has been harshly dealt with widespread arrests and intermittent military campaigns.

I believe there will ultimately be a clash between the oppressed and those doing the oppressing. I believe that there will be a clash between those who want freedom, justice and equality for everyone and those who want to continue the system of exploitation. I believe that there will be that kind of clash, but I don’t think it will be based on the colour of the skin. You’re not to be so blind with patriotism that you can’t face reality. Wrong is wrong, no matter who does it or says it.” — Malcolm X
I’ve traveled across Pakistan several times. I’ve been to the plains of Punjab, the Indus valley, the foothills of Karakorum, the delta of Indus river and the coastal region of Makran. Every region has its attraction and charm but if one asks me honestly, Balochistan is by far the most interesting and fascinating region of Pakistan. Why? It is because the land of Balochistan is blessed with a spectacular terrain that includes mountains, deserts, plateau, sea, valleys, oases, and so much more.
It was my first trip to the region and I was traveling to Quetta to watch a highly charged football match between India and Pakistan. Like cricket, both arch rivals promise to deliver some thrilling sporting moments in football competitions as well. Anyway, I boarded the bus and headed to the provincial capital Quetta from Pakistan’s largest city Karachi.



It is very hard for me to hide my excitement and suppress my feelings. Sat in the bus I couldn’t help but smile and peek out from the window. Soon I noticed that a young guy came to my seat and asked to sit next to me which I did not mind. After formal introduction he asked if I was a foreigner traveling to Balochistan for the first time. “I hope you don’t have preconceived ideas about our nation Mr. Khawaja,” he said in a sarcastic tone. “I believe in my own observations and forming my own opinion based on them,” came my reply with a smile to which he seemed much relieved.
Azizullah was a 23 year old student who was studying medicine at a university in Karachi. Appearing to be a very quiet and reserved young man, he later became more friendly and chatty. He came from a middle class Baloch family from Khuzdar area in central Balochistan. “My father and uncles are doctors as well but I wanted to break the tradition of our family and become a diplomat,” he lamented as we started the conversation. The driver set off to Quetta at the same time.
CONUNDRUM
As our chat progressed he went on to tell me how hard it is to become a diplomat due to his ethnic background. Soon my Baloch friend lobbed this conundrum at me: “Guess a land that is blessed with natural wealth yet suffers from chronic poverty. A civilization that is rich of culture and traditions yet suffers from degradation. A nation that takes pride in its values and traditions yet suffers from suppression of identity. A laborer that works hard with patience and diligence yet gets exploitation and oppression as wages. And ironically, a cow that is forced to give milk yet starves for fodder to survive.” I resorted to scratching my head and wondered what I’m about to learn from him…
Balochistan has been in the news over the past few years due to the low level insurgency going on in the region. Thousands of activists are actively fighting the authorities in the volatile provinces of Balochistan in Pakistan and in Sistaan va Balochistan province in neighboring Iran. Many people in both Pakistan and Iran insist that foreign powers are actively meddling in the state of affairs of these provinces and are bent upon breaking them away from the nation. One can find both Iranian and Pakistani analysts filling hundreds of pages of newsprint with information on how the Baloch fighters are getting weapons from U.S.A. and other regional powers. However, one thing you’ll seldom find them telling is the reason why some Baloch ‘miscreants’ have taken weapons in their hands and are waging a war for autonomy or independence.
I wasted no time and asked Azizullah the same question. “It is convenient to label someone a criminal or terrorist. A person commits a crime and he becomes a criminal. A kidnapping, shooting, killing, assassination or bombing and a terrorist is born,” the medical student expressed philosophically. After a brief pause while reading my facial expressions, he continued: “However, seldom we come to know what the motives were behind every criminal or terrorists’ action. It is not possible to believe that all these people are born evil and their only purpose of life is to bring destruction and harm to the society. So what is the rationale?” Azizullah’s questions started to become intense and critical.
LAND, PEOPLE AND PRIDE
Balochistan is a region that is spread across Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan. The combined area of this region is around 600,000 square kilometers, which is about the size of Ukraine; 347,000 km² is part of Pakistan, 181,785 km² in Iran and around 70,000 km² in Afghanistan. Despite having large areas in Pakistan and Iran, the Baloch population is around 5 million and 2 million respectively in both the countries. It is estimated that more than 200,000 Baloch people live in southern Afghanistan.

According to contemporary Baloch scholar Dr. Naseer Dashti, Baloch people trace their history to the ancient Parthian family of Aryan tribes living in the Caspian Sea region. The Baloch tribes began to settle in to present day Balochistan as early as 1200 AD. The migration of Baloch population from Caspian Sea region to the present semi-desert land of Balochistan took place in three different times and places.
Baloch tribes first migrated to present day Balochistan from the northern areas of Mesopotamia, what is now called Kurdistan. These Baloch are known as Narui (Nara denoting north in archaic Balochi language). They settled in the area of Sistan in present-day Iran, Helmand valley in southern Afghanistan and Chagai plains in present Pakistani province of Balochistan.


The second migration followed the first after a few hundred years. The incoming Baloch tribes moved from Mount Elburz in the south of Caspian Sea and settled in central Balochistan areas of Khuzdar and Kalat in Pakistan.
The Baloch intellectual adds that the third and most important of all is the migration of the remaining Baloch tribes said to be living in Syrian city of Aleppo who first settled in Kerman (present day Iran), then Makran and finally in the plains of Sibi and Kachchi in eastern Balochistan. This migration took place during 12th century AD.
While I read the above mentioned information in notes given by Azizullah, he answered a call on his mobile phone. Hearing Balochi language for the first time I tried to understand a few words that are used in both Urdu and Arabic.
“Balochi is the language spoken by the Baloch people. It is a member of the Indo-Aryan languages,” he explained after sensing my curiosity about his language. “Balochi is closely related to Kurdish, Persian and Sanskrit languages but it is believed to be more ancient than these languages. We also carry a heavy influence of Arabic due to the Islamic conquests in the region during the middle age.” I was left pleasantly surprised that our languages had so many things in common including the use of same Arabic script.

While the bus moved at a high speed thanks to the recent improvements on the RCD Highway, I began grilling my friend about Baloch history and the immense pride attached to it. His answers were immediate.
“Baloch people have historically defended themselves from foreign invaders by forming loose tribal unions. The unions are linked through trade, agriculture and livestock. This cooperation helped them interact socially, politically and militarily, in case of invasions,” the young medical student explained succinctly. It was obvious that he was enjoying this conversation and knew about the history of his nation very well.
“Balochistan’s geo-political location meant it was never safe from external threats or interventions, however, the combined threat of tribal unions enabled them to ward off Persian, Afghan and other influences,” he added with a hint of bitterness in his tone.
POLITICS OF PROMISES
We travelled around 200 kms during the last two and a half hours and stopped for refueling and refreshments. My travel mate bought me a delicious fruit cake and tea as we sat on charpoy – a traditional bed consisting of wooden frame and woven ropes.
“If you count the promises made to us, we must be the richest people in the world,” Azizullah’s rant continued. “Take this highway for example. Back in 1980s, Iran, Turkey and Pakistan decided to link their countries through a highway which they named RCD. Starting from Istanbul, it crisscrossed Turkey, Iran and was supposed to end in Karachi. While Turkey and Iran completed their part of the highway, Pakistani project languished for years. Only Gen. Musharraf took interest in the project and got it completed finally.”
I was surprised to hear Azizullah, an ethnic Baloch, praising for Gen. Musharraf, the former military dictator of Pakistan who ruled the country from 1999 to 2008. However, his praise soon turned into criticism when I asked about his role in Balochistan’s society.
He dragged me to a nearby petrol station. “This is part of Pakistan, right?” He poked a question to which I nodded in affirmation. “Well, the only thing we use here is the Pakistani currency. Apart from that everything else is smuggled from Iran. Fuel, food, cosmetics, chemicals, crops, stationary, and even cars come from there,” Azizullah revealed while adding, “Fuel is dirt cheap. The Iranian fuel costs pennies if compared to the price we pay for branded Pakistani one. Not even fools will buy for that price.”

Azizullah blamed heavy duties that made Pakistani goods expensive and scarce. The Iranian goods, on the other hand, were cheap and easily available. Many people would argue that transporting goods to Balochistan is an expensive operation in terms of logistics and supply, however, the Baloch student argued that many industries can be opened in the province to give a boost to local industries, hence ending shortages and smuggling.
DEEP MISTRUST
It is hard to take people’s accounts by face value in a country where every person has different views from the others based on their perception of history, current affairs and politics. Aware of what Azizullah views can be conceived as grievances, they can also be seen as lame excuses and propaganda by people elsewhere.
“Azizullah, tell me honestly if you’re not against the tribal chiefs of Balochistan who don’t want to see their subjects getting literate and breaking the shackles of economic deprivation and political isolation,” I came forward with a question to clear the mist. He looked deep into my eyes before giving an answer.
“Moign, you asked me a typical question that is dipped into what I call ‘establishment’s propaganda’. Not a single Baloch on our land is against literacy and development. We know for a fact that the only way forward is to embrace science and technology,” the 23 year old said in an assuring tone.”We want to become part of the modern world. We have to exploit our natural resources for common good. However, all these plans made by our masters are deceptive as we are not part of them and they are not bound to benefit us.” Cynicism was back on his face.
Read any newspaper or watch any mainstream Pakistani news channel and you’ll find out that Balochistan is languishing due to its tribal structure and archaic sense of nationalism. “The people cry the old tale of exploitation yet never take the socio-economic opportunities given to them by governments,” is what you’ll hear retired army servicemen, economists, bureaucrats, politicians and religious leaders claiming in TV talk shows; loathing the Sardars (Baloch tribal leaders) and asking the Balochs to help the Pakistani army clean up their mess once and for all.

“They talk about highways, ports, cities, industries whereas we talk about education, health, jobs, opportunities for indigenous people. Our demands are down-to-earth whereas their promises are tall. We don’t see a match in their words and actions. We sense injustice, exploitation and colonization in the statements made by these pseudo-intellectuals,” Azizullah said referring to the analysts in Pakistani media.
Azizullah’s views are not unique. They’re equally shared millions of Balochs living in Pakistani part of Balochistan. Poverty is widespread among Baloch nation and according to the UN Human Development Report, Balochistan stands lowest in human development index in the country. The province has a literacy rate of just around 27% compared to the national average of 47%. Around 1/3 of the total Balochistan population is unemployed or underemployed. Despite rich mineral resources, including coal, copper and natural gas, only 25% of Balochistan’s population receives electricity. Hardly 7% of the population of the province has access to sanitation and piped potable water.
ACCESSION OR OCCUPATION?
Facts clearly fuel Azizullah’s argument. They also provide ammo to the people who talk about separation of Balochistan from the federation of Pakistan and the Islamic Republic of Iran and forming a new republic. After all, what have the Baloch achieved after they joined Pakistan in 1948? My young friend seized the opportunity to answer this question.
“My brother, please do not buy this notion that we joined Pakistan in 1948. Historically we never were part of British India. Our ruler, the Khan of Kalat, signed several treaties with the British that recognized his sovereignty in exchange of British protection. However, we stayed as a sovereign state outside India,” the medical student touched history once again and the conversation started to flow in that direction.
Dr. Naseer Dashti is a respected Baloch scholar and activist who holds a PhD. on Baloch health-seeking behavior from the University of Greenwich. His two recently published books, ‘The Voice of Reason’ and ‘In a Baloch Perspective’ have been banned by Pakistani authorities. According to the Baloch nationalist, both British and Pakistanis accepted the sovereignty of Kalat state in a June 1947 partition plan. However, the British did not consult the Khan of Kalat over the transfer of leased Balochistan lands under British control. Consequently, British and Pakistani authorities held a controversial referendum in which their favored members took part and declared Balochistan as part of Pakistan.
ust before the creation of Pakistan, State of Kalat declared its independence on 12 August, 1947. However, this announcement was not welcomed by the new rulers of Pakistan and they started to force the Khan of Kalat to join the newly born Islamic republic. After their political advances were refused, Pakistani army marched into the Kalat territory on 26 March 1948 and forced the Khan to surrender his territory. The Khan of Kalat, though having no constitutional powers, agreed to sign the instrument of accession with Pakistan.
“History is not what you read in textbooks Mr. Khawaja,” Azizullah bounced back while I was reading his notes about Baloch history. “The accounts in Pakistani textbooks are all a peaceful and rosy affair when it comes to Balochistan,” he said with a sarcastic smile. “Reality is completely different.”
FRUSTRATION FUELS INSURGENCY
The journey was about to end as I was 5,500 feet above the sea level and entering Quetta valley. The views of the capital from surrounding mountains are just spectacular. It seems like you’re about to enter some saucer that is illuminated by glitter. I bid farewell to my friend and thanked him for such a productive discussion at the bus station. Finding out that I’m a football fan and came here just to watch the clash between Pakistan and India, he promised to join me in the stadium next day.





That evening I ventured into town and got a glimpse of the metropolis. I was struck by the level of cleanliness in the city. Unlike other Pakistani cities, I found Quetta remarkably clean and tidy. I returned to my hotel and turned on the TV. While flicking through the channels, I found a lively debate going on the TV. The participants were discussing the military operation waged by Pakistani army in Balochistan and some hot words were exchanged in due course.
“The Sardars don’t like Gen. Musharraf’s pro-development policies and have taken up arms to destroy the project. They can’t see the profound impact of these development projects on Balochistan’s economy and fear losing their influence,” shouted one ex-military analyst. The nationalists opposing military presence in Balochistan and so-called ‘mega development projects‘ see it as part of colonizing their land.
“Who are you to give us anything? You give power to these sardars, you give them the government and when these very people don’t play according to your game plan you try to get rid of them,” yelled one Baloch activist in the discussion panel. “We don’t want you, your puppet Sardars (tribal leaders), your mega projects. Nothing. Leave our land and go back to the plains of Punjab,” the diatribe continued. The moderator, sensing the boiling tempers, called for a quick break. The program did not start again for a good 20 minutes. And when it did start, the compere apologized for lack of time and thanked his participants and called it a day.
Next day I was in the football stadium packed with spectators. I met Azizullah at the fixed place. The match eventually kicked off after formal pre-match ceremonies. While thousands of people were carrying green and white Pakistani flags, I saw some Indian supporters carrying the tri-color. Surprised, I quipped they must be Baloch separatists. My Baloch friend heard that with a broad smile on his face that I never saw before.
“Yes. They’re Baloch. They’re paid by the Indians to hoist their flag and cheer up the visitors. Something wrong with this? At least they’re not carrying guns and fighting the Pakistani army,” the Baloch student said with a thunderous laughter. I laughed too but took the joke with a pinch of salt.
“People love to gossip that Baloch rights movement is controlled by India. You’ll see Pakistani politicians and military generals making statements about New Delhi’s interference in Balochistan. They’ll claim India has hundreds of training camps here in our province. My simple questions: Where is the proof? Show me at least one camp where Indians are training the Baloch separatists. And even if there are camps, what the hell is the Pakistani establishment doing? How did they let the Indians infiltrate and establish their bases thousands of kilometers deep into Pakistani territory?”
Potent questions raised by Azizullah I thought. While I was thinking about the possible explanations, the restless soul continued his tirade. “They say India doesn’t like the Gwadar port as it will give Islamabad a new naval base. They also insist that this port will make us independent which the Indians won’t like at all. The Chinese have helped construct this port which displeases our ‘arch rival’.

“Typical establishment rhetoric. I can understand that. But what I don’t understand is, how will this port make us prosperous while hardly 10% of the locals are employed by the port authorities?” the 23 year old medical student posed questions in an activist style. “Gwadar is a historic fishing port and Baloch people have been making a livelihood for centuries. This government seizes the town and declares it ‘federal territory’. They establish a cantonment, coast guard outposts and expel the poor fishermen from their waters and impose a 15 nautical mile curfew.
“And this is not the end. They give licenses to fishing trawlers from China and Far East to fish in our seas yet 80% of local population have no right to make a livelihood. Is this justice? You call this development or imperialism Mr. Journalist?”
It was hard for me to validate the figures provided by the young Baloch student. However, I got the gist of his arguments. History is rife with examples when indigenous people found themselves strangers in their own lands and were overran by invading settlers. The Native Americans vs European settlers; Incas vs Spanish; Aborigines vs White settlers; Uighurs/Tibetans vs Han Chinese; and Palestinians vs Israelis are just a few examples of colonialism and subsequent conflicts.
Balochs have long complained of being marginalized in their own lands. They blame Punjabis, the dominant ethnic group in Pakistan for their socio-economic exploitation that is going on for the last 60 years, whereas the Shia Iranians for their politico-religious suppression since the 1979 Khomeini revolution. Despite blessed with huge deposits of uranium, copper, gold, coal, natural gas, oil, sulfur and many other minerals, my three day stay in the province reminded me of some backward place of the world where clocks have lost their pace and time has become irrelevant.
Political propaganda aside, I saw no connections between Azizullah’s family with the feudal leaders. He was equally bitter about them as well. He blamed the government in Islamabad and its machinery for empowering the tribal chiefs instead of the people’s democracy. He vocally blasted the military operations and blamed them for disillusionment of the Baloch masses.
“They have cluster bombs, long range and anti-cave missiles to drop on our land yet they can’t build roads and reservoirs,” Azizullah continued to vent out his frustration. “Dams will enable our farmers to cultivate lands and increase agricultural output of the country.
“Fishing vessels and improved storage godowns will improve the livelihood of our fishermen and boost our exports. I’m not a separatist as I know battles come with a heavy cost but please tell me what choice is my nation left with? We’re forced to pay a heavy price for mega projects yet they’re not ready to provide us the very basic necessities like water, sanitation, education, gas and electricity, transport, jobs etc. I refuse to stay silent,” my young friend cried but didn’t speak any further.

The match ended in a 1-1 draw. Soon we headed to Quetta’s famous attraction, Lake Hannah, where we went for a boat ride. The mid-summer views were spectacular amidst the clear blue skies. My host’s mood was refreshed by the natural beauty around him and his temper seemed to ease a bit. I was ecstatic when he took me to a mountain top restaurant that is famous for its local dish called ‘Sajji’ – whole lamb stuffed with rice, roasted over burning coal.
While I was about to thank him for his hospitality and good company and say good bye, he asked me a quick question. “Agha (sir in Balochi language) Moign, I’ll ask one last question if you don’t mind,” to which I nodded with smile. “We had a boat trip at the lake, didn’t we. Say if I make you row the boat till the point of exhaustion, how will you react?”
The question puzzled me immediately. “Well,” I paused for a while. “I’ll resist and try to get rid of the captain who turned out to be my captor. If I can’t resist I’ll bore a hole in the ship so that he doesn’t get away with his crime and sink with me. You might think it is revenge but it will come out naturally,” I replied while trying to defend my actions.
“We, the Baloch people are doing the same my kind friend. We want to sail in the boat as equals but if we’re enslaved by the colonialists, we will not let this boat stay afloat.” he said in a firm tone. “We may be less in numbers but we live with our traditions and pride intact. For us, our homeland is more precious than our lives.” young Azizullah asserted.
Five years have passed since I first visited Balochistan. Things have not changed at all since then. The military operation continues and so does the insurgency mounted by Balochistan Liberation Army, a rag-tag militia of several Baloch tribes. Apart from the inauguration of a few mega projects and their topsy-turvy functioning, Balochistan stays more or less the most backward area of Pakistan.
During my visit, certain things dawned upon me. I was no more under the illusion that separatist movement is fueled by Washington, Tel Aviv or New Delhi and not the socio-economic grievances of the Baloch people. The uprising in western Pakistan and south-eastern Iran is a result of decades long systematic discrimination and exploitation by the governments in Tehran and Islamabad.
Yes the tribal chiefs are to blame for the underdevelopment of Balochs. Yes they’re selfish and power hungry beasts but what about the excesses committed by security apparatus in Pakistan and Iran that is alienating the masses? Why do the Balochs remain the poorest in both the countries while living on one of the most richest lands in the world? Establishments in the Islamic Republics of Pakistan and Iran better answer these questions soon otherwise their boats stay at peril of getting sunk by the burden of greed, exploitation and expansion.

http://web.me.com/neomartian
Moign Khawaja specialises in politics, current affairs and world conflicts. He also takes deep interest in society especially religious and cultural festivals. He has MA degrees in Journalism and International Affairs. Contact him at [email protected]. Read more articles by Moign Khawaja.

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Regime of Fear




In Balochistan, hope is like water, marked only by its absence in some places and abundance in others. In some places, as in the vast sandy stretches of the Chagi desert, water is so far away that it cannot be found even 800 kilometres down – and then too bitter and unhealthy. But, in other areas, as in Barabcha, it flows at one-sixth of a fathom. You can literally reach it by scooping the earth with bare hands.

It is a telling comment on the failure of the government and the military establishment that they have allowed the hopeful prospects in this half of Pakistan to become scarce, overtaken by gloomy forecasts of secession and separation. That is why now different groups operating in the name of Baloch rights seem to have seized the initiative. They are running an expanding campaign whose political and sabotage strategies co-terminate at the goal of opting out of the federation.

The surest indication of the confidence and zeal with which the insurgents are operating lies in the regime of fear they have been able to create in different districts of the province. Additional checkposts on the roads have not stopped hit-men from taking out targets in broad daylight. With a perfection that would shame assassins in Hollywood movies, they have killed hundreds of settlers who came here decades ago from non-Baloch areas, primarily from the Punjab. The statistics are staggering. In just under a year, over 350 roadside bombings, grenade attacks and point blank killings. Many deaths are not even reported. Security agencies hide them for fear of demoralising the rank and file; ordinary citizens are quick to avoid more retribution and retaliation.

Emboldened by their successes, these groups now openly claim responsibility for these actions. With brazen pride and heartfelt joy, messages emanating from local mobile numbers justify the sorry end of the victims either in the name of revenge for “oppression of the Baloch” or “for the rightful struggle of liberation in an occupied land.” Even the Baloch are being downed. The rationale for killing their own kind is that they, the victims, betrayed their brothers either because they were not supportive enough of the “cause of liberation” or were suspected of spying for the intelligence agencies. This killing spree has also started to engulf members of the Pashtun community. Police officials admit that the trend in the killings in Balochistan has acquired a new and threatening dimension. “The Pashtuns are very well organised. They have the manpower and gunpowder to retaliate against those Baloch tribe members who are seen to be sanctioning these actions,” says a local police officer who wanted his name and area of deployment to remain anonymous. These killings take place primarily in Turbat, Khuzdar, Awaran, Pasni, Panjgore – the Makran Belt, with some parts falling in the Jhalawan Belt.

So far there has not been any ethnically-driven retaliation. It may not remain so for long. Fears are widespread that one of these days a big incident could spark off a deadly feud between the Baloch and Pashtun communities. “Insurgents have a tendency to overplay their hands. One day a riot will break out. We are in touch with the Pashtun and Baloch political leaders on this count and hope that they will play their part in keeping the slowly rising tensions down,” says a top-ranking security officer in the province.

However, it is open to question how much clout members of Baloch political parties have left in this province. The legend lurking on the streets of Quetta these days is, that Nawab Khair Baksh Marri, currently residing in Karachi, had recently sent a coffin to Chief Minister Muhammad Aslam Raisani, indicating that his days were numbered. But instead of returning the coffin in the typical Baloch tradition of fighting fire with fire, he wilted and dispatched boxes full of protection money to the old man. Of course, such stories are hard to verify, but their currency testifies to the public perception that the political leadership in the province has a pistol to its head and the trigger is controlled by the insurgent.

This perception is reinforced by the conduct of the elected members, who, it seems, have all cut separate deals with the gun-toting militias. Deep background interviews with at least a dozen of them drawn from different regions indicate that they are all in mortal fear of being killed or have the sense that they are on their own. Some supported the Baloch taking up arms. Others laid blame at the doorstep of the federal government which, they said, was staging high profile political dramas such as the Balochistan package, but had delivered precious little. “All the applications for the jobs announced for the Baloch are being processed at a snail’s pace. How do we pacify them?” asks one member of the out-sized provincial cabinet.

This partially explains a string of intelligence reports Newsline was able to access that speak of the link between provincial politics and violent groups’ expanding operations. The interior ministry is in receipt of dozens of cables from Balochistan indicative of this dangerous trend. One report makes the astounding claim that nearly 90% of the sitting ministers are in touch with the insurgents, and a vast majority of them actually shelter the gun-wielders. Anecdotes abound that point to such possibilities. On March 17, a daylight hand-grenade attack on a vehicle of the Frontier Corps resulted in an hour-long gun battle. Four law enforcement members were injured and one attacker was killed. Majid Lango was a proclaimed offender wanted, as far as police records are concerned, for serious charges including murder. The Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) (see Separatist Sketches) praised him as a valiant soldier of the resistance movement. The Balochistan Assembly passed a resolution condemning his killing as extra-judicial and held a special prayer for the departed soul.

This incident shows the untenable situation where the lawmakers themselves are not sure about the status of the lawbreakers, nor indeed are they confident as to which side of the divide are they on. It would not be an exaggeration to suggest that they are not even sure where the dividing line is actually drawn. This affords a formidable advantage to the insurgent groups. They can pursue hard core retaliatory and sabotage activity in the guise of justified reaction to the law-enforcement agencies’ high-handedness, and know that they also have political backing born of either compulsion or conviction.

The insurgents have used this space for a successful ideological blitz, targeting most schools and colleges. Under the name of Sarmichar News – in Balochi Sarmichar means ‘those who lay down their lives for the right cause’ – a robust media campaign is run by Salam Sabir Baloch. The messages that emanate from this service go across to thousands of people. From carrying abuses (‘all Pakistanis are bastards’) to glorifying those who are killed in encounters or are missing (‘they are our real heroes’), the SMS service is meant to create awe and fear. Among impressionable minds it conjures up the picture that Balochistan’s independence is around the corner and the valiant fighters shall soon defeat the “occupiers (Punjabi army).” The disenchanted Baloch youth lap up these one-liners. For them, this and other propaganda that is spread through pamphlets and secret group meetings is revolutionary stuff, both cathartic and cataclysmic, carrying the tidings of a better tomorrow.

This explains the social profile of the Baloch insurgency, which is shaped by recruits from professional groups. While intelligence and army officials privately refer to them as social outcasts who have a grudge, a gun and have taken to the mountains, the fact of the matter is that insurgents are found among teachers, students, lawyers, and perfectly reasonable and educated persons. “They can have a light and enlightened discussion with you during the day, and at night plan a grenade attack that they would happily carry out themselves,” says a mid-ranking army officer. “They are very few in number by the way,” he hastens to add. “Very, very few.”

This qualification of “very few” holds good in conversations but in practical, day-to-day handling of the threat from the brazen attacker, it blurs the lines between the innocent and the accused. The same officer admitted that the insurgents have been able to create a tough situation where everyone with a Baloch identity has to be watched carefully and that plays to the advantage of those who are already crying hoarse over discrimination on the basis of ethnicity.

The case of Hasan Janan, a teacher of Balochi at the Balochistan University, is instructive in this regard. His supporters say that the accusation against him of hurling a grenade at the city police station was false. “Why did he have an honourable acquittal from the court?” one of Hassan’s students asks, now that his teacher is back at his teaching job. The police say that a year-long trial saw all of the eyewitnesses, including those who had grabbed him in the act, decide against testifying in court. “No eyewitness, no prosecution, no punishment. The man walks free and is hailed a hero,” says the police officer who eyeballed this trial helplessly. This state of affairs has proven to be devastating for the Punjabi settlers, who are migrating in huge numbers. There are thousands of applications in various government departments seeking immediate transfers. The worst sufferers are teachers, followed by doctors. Government officials of non-Baloch origin are scared to death. Even police officials live in secure compounds away from the reach of those who lie in wait.


Photo: AFP

On a flight back from Quetta, this scribe was approached by at least six persons who had just got themselves transferred out of Balochistan. “We are sitting ducks being taken out. Nobody talks about these killings because everyone is sensitive to the needs of the Baloch. In effect, the whole nation has sanctioned the killing of its non-Baloch citizens. The whole nation, including the media, has innocent blood on its hands,” exploded a young teacher who had lost his first cousin to a target killing only a month ago.

This migration has worsened already pathetic governance levels. As experts in their fields leave the area for dear life, service delivery is suffering severely. Moreover, Pashtuns, with their money and a nose for business opportunities, have stepped in to buy lands in Baloch areas vacated by the settlers. Ironically, the so-called struggle for the independence of Baloch land is resulting in shrinking Baloch areas and the growing presence of Pashtun communities in the Baloch heartland. However, the biggest tragedy is that for all the high talk of Balochistan being the first priority, there seems no strategic or even operational strategy in place to handle a continuously deteriorating situation. The PPP government’s split-second attention span on pressing national issues has proven particularly ruinous for this part of the country.

Balochistan is crying out for constant constructive engagement and, above all, a vision to integrate alienated youth and speedy, high-impact public utility projects that showcase the federation’s real concern about the future of the province. None of this is happening. Between ham-fisted law-enforcement agencies, ruthless separatists, and starkly incompetent provincial and national politicians, this magnificent land of lovely people is being deprived of the glory and prosperity that is its due, but which for now is as distant on the horizon as hope is from the hearts of its dwellers and water is from its wells.

ANALYSIS: Winning the Battle of Algiers —Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur

If brutal crackdowns and search operations of suspected areas had any success in deterring people from struggling for their national, political, social and economic rights, Algeria would still have been a French colony

Jeehamd Shahija Marri was a notorious cattle rustler in the Pat Feeder area in the 1950s and 60s; he used to narrate his exploits about the risks they had to take and the distances they had to walk. He would recount that after reaching a relatively safe place after a continuous quick walk of 10 to 12 hours, they would rest but be unable to sit as their knees refused to bend and they had to drop themselves on the ground and massage their muscles back to life.

It was in 1963 that a bulldozer constructing a road from Talli to Kahan was attacked and he was picked up as a suspect and severely tortured. He was hung from his hair — as the Marris sport long hair — but he resisted the torture and refused to wrongly admit to the alleged crime. On release he joined the Farrars (Rebels). He was above 70 years of age when the army action began in the Marri area in May 1973 and led guerrilla units surpassing the younger lot in endurance and tenacity. He was a role model for his bravery and toughness.

On February 27, 2005, when Musharraf ruled the roost, the New Kahan camp — where the Marris after their return from Afghanistan in 1992 had been settled — was raided by 1,500 policemen under the supervision of the Quetta DIG Pervez Rafi Bhatti. Many innocent people were arrested and claims of weapons recovery made, but to top it all off the Pakistani flag was hoisted on what the police termed as the ‘fort’ of Nawab Khair Baksh Marri, an easy alternative to Delhi’s ‘Lal Qilla’, which they have always yearned for. I do not know the exact numbers but after the raid many decided to throw in their lot with the Farrars. It was raided again in March 2006, then once more in November, each time adding recruits to the Farrars.

The meek and ineffective provincial governments by implication connive with the brutalities perpetrated against the Baloch population and the present incumbents have often openly admitted that the FC runs a ‘parallel government’. The law and order situation is bad in Karachi but one does not see the crackdowns, except in Lyari, that Balochistan suffers.

When in mid-June 2007 seven army men were killed in an ambush in Quetta, a search operation was carried out in which a lot of people were arrested from Qilli Qambarani, Qilli Ismail and other places. Hundreds of search operations have been carried out in Quetta and its environs and numerous other places in Balochistan but they have not improved the law and order situation by an iota.

These searches should not be thought of as ones where the rights of the suspects are read out and they are given the benefit of being ‘innocent until proven guilty’. These search operations are violent, brutish and rough in the extreme, aimed at intimidating and humiliating the people in order to deter them from supporting the struggle for rights, but this aim is never achieved.

The residents are presumed guilty and the ferocity and brutality of the execution of searches is inversely proportional to the resistance and resentment displayed by the people. Those, mostly the young, on whom the axe invariably falls, are manhandled if they resist and bundled into waiting vehicles and driven away to camps and prisons; needless to say without due process of law and without recourse to justice.

On April 20, a massive crackdown was carried out by the LEAs in Quetta and environs, Qilli Ismail, Kechi Baig, Qilli Qambarani, Sariab, Qilli Sarday and Wali Jat. All day long the homes belonging to the Baloch were searched, people taken into custody blindfolded and whisked away. Naturally the people resisted and there were scuffles and fights during which a lady, Shahnaz Bibi, mother of BNP activist Sanaullah Mengal, was killed. Women too are fair game for harsh treatment. Eyewitnesses say that around 300 people were taken into custody though the mainstream media reported only 100 arrests.

They were suspected of bomb blasts, kidnappings, target killings and other violent crimes that occur frequently in Quetta in spite of hundreds of search operations that have taken place in the past. Incidentally, the same Qilli Qambarani, Qilli Ismail and other places were searched after the killings of seven army men in June 2007 but apparently that crackdown failed to eliminate the suspected ‘troublemakers’. Each subsequent crackdown is more brutal than the last one.

If brutal crackdowns and search operations of suspected areas had any success in deterring people from struggling for their national, political, social and economic rights, then dear readers, Algeria would still have been a French colony because the French forces there were brutal, ruthless and unforgiving. They picked up people, kept them in custody and tortured them as long as they wanted but in the end they had to pack up and leave because neither the resistance nor the will of the people could be broken.

It is said that the French with ruthless disregard for Algerian lives won the Battle of Algiers by destroying the FLN there in 1957, but lost the War for Algeria when the people rose up as a whole in 1960, proving the futility of repression. During the February 29, 1980 people’s opposition to the Soviet forces in Kabul, I was stranded outside the city during the night but entered the city next morning, which is also an example. Eventually, repression makes the people fearless and compels them to utterly disregard their own safety.

Such crackdowns are counter-productive and carrying them out adds fuel to the fire. A suspect or two may be nabbed but when hundreds are antagonised in the process, the likes of Jeehamd Shahija, Dr Allah Nazar and others willingly join the Farrars. The term ‘Farrar’ may be seen with distaste by others but for a Baloch it conjures glorifying images and is the ultimate dream of many a Baloch youth.

I spent 20 years with the Marri tribe and have contacts with a cross-section of Baloch people from different tribes and areas and can say with authority that this senseless brutality cannot and will not be able to break the will and resilience of the Baloch people. The Battle for Algiers may have been won but more and more Baloch, both old and young, as a result of repression will join up with the Farrars or work clandestinely to help them succeed.

If they flee Balochistan

Friday, May 07, 2010
Jan Assakzai

A disturbing fallout of Baloch militants' estrangement is going to be mass migration from Balochistan of Punjabi- and Urdu-speaking people, who mostly live in Quetta. The professional entrepreneurial middle class composed of the non-indigenous communities in the province has been an asset to Pakhtuns and Balochs for a number of decades.

Balochistan is home to roughly half-a-million ethnic Punjabis, or nearly three percent of its population, and to an even smaller percentage of Urdu-speakers. Nearly half the population of Balochistan is Pakhtun.

Many locals treat Urdu-speaking residents as Punjabis, a fact which makes Urdu-speakers victims of targeted killings as well.

If the wave of targeted killings led to mass migration of the affected communities, the already deprived province could not fill the gap left by them.

There was a time when locals were not prepared to take manual jobs, like those of hairdressers and tailors. The gap was filled by the labour class from Punjab. Being immigrants from other provinces, they have a greater entrepreneurial spirit, which enables them to succeed in various fields. Many of them are prepared to take up two jobs at a time.

The contribution of Punjabis in the education sector in Balochistan is tremendous. They work as teachers, lectures and professors. I received my initial education in Punjabi-run educational institutions and was persuade to join journalism by an ethnic Punjabi journalist, the late Mohammad Ikram, who also trained me professionally. Another ethnic Punjabi journalist who deeply influenced me was Sulaiman Raza, a professor and freelance journalist. A number of other journalists in Balochistan, Pakhtun and Balochs alike, have been trained by Punjabi- and Urdu-speaking journalists.

Recently, over 70 professors in Balochistan University applied to be relieved so that they can work in other provinces, following the brutal killing of Prof Nazima Talib, whom I knew when I was a student in Balochistan University in the early nineties. In seminars, and workshops, she would always inspire her students to do more so that the Baloch and Pakhtun residents of this particularly backward province could come at par with the more developed areas of the country. At the same time, this courageous woman also made efforts to help her students develop a critical thinking. Her killing is not only a tragedy to her family, it is a painful loss for Balochs, Pakhtuns and other communities living in Balochistan who are deprived of a fine teacher.

The targeted killing of the Punjabi-speaking minority has been going on since the second major operation was launched by the army in 2004, following the killing of Baloch nationalist leader Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti. A bunch of Baloch militants resorted to violence and, among other things, started targeting ordinary Punjabis to avenge the killing of Balochs by the "Punjabi" army during the operation. There had already a surge in Baloch estrangement when the first major operation was launched against the Marri and Bugti tribes back in 1974.

While Balochistan's Pakhtuns have sympathy for Baloch grievances, they have always condemned the violent methods adopted by the Baloch militants, particularly the targeted killings of Punjabi residents. This is something mainstream Baloch political forces have failed to do.

This is the fundamental difference between Pakhtun and Baloch political forces, that Pakhtuns never used violence as a method to resolve political problems, despite their equally serious grievances. Pakhtuns lost a separate administrative status when the One Unit scheme came into existence in 1955 for the establishment of West Pakistan's parity with East Pakistan. When one unit was dissolved in 1970, what had been a Chief Commissioner's Province before 1955 was combined with the former Balochistan States Union, together with the enclave of Gwadar, to form a new larger Balochistan province.

Census data regarding the Pakhtun population have been manipulated by the Baloch-dominated administration. Despite the bias, however, Pakhtuns are around 30 percent of the population. But Pakhtuns have no quota in jobs. Even the convention of a Pakhtun being governor of Balochistan if the chief minister is Baloch has been broken. The Pakhtuns of the province have received no attention from the federal government because, unlike the Baloch, they have never resorted to militancy.

The recent Haqooq-e-Balochistan Package has nothing for Pakhtuns, who are nearly half the population of Balochistan. Their language and culture are being ignored. The all-too-frequent strikes called by Baloch political parties and militants have crippled Pakhtun businesses in Quetta and other parts of province. The list goes on.

Since the initiative is with the militants, the Baloch administration and political parties refrain from opposing the Baloch militants. It is only Pakhtun political forces led by nationalists who have joined forces in opposing the militants' wanton killing of Punjabis and held demonstrations against them in various parts of Balochistan. This is something which is not widely reported in Pakistan's mainstream media.

In order to escape the Baloch militants' violence and intimidation, many Punjabi- and Urdu-speakers have moved to Pakhtun areas, where this has resulted in a rise in property prices. At the same time, some prominent Punjabi- and Urdu-speakers have developed political affiliations with Pakhtun nationalist organisations, such as the Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party led by Mehmood Khan Achakzai.

Pakhtuns in Balochistan enjoy excellent relations with Punjabi- and Urdu-speakers, and with the Persian-speaking Hazara community. The Punjabi and Pakhtun communities have become so integrated over the years that there are increasing intermarriages among them. There are fewer cross-community marriages among the Baloch and Pakhtun.

Pakhtuns are becoming more vocal in their demand for a separate province, a development spurred by the renaming of NWFP to Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and the resulting demand for a Hazara province there, This could lead to deterioration in relations between the two largest communities of Balochistan.

The Baloch political forces want more powers for themselves form the federal government, but they are not prepared to have the Pakhtuns of the province receive the same rights. As a result, Balochistan's inter-community relations are sharply deteriorating. Ethnic tensions between Pakhtuns and Balochs can only worsen the situation created by the targeted killings of Punjabi- and Urdu-speakers, so many of whom are third- and fourth-generation residents of Balochistan.

The responsibility for the serious situation lies with the army establishment, which ignore indigenous factors and treated the nationalist aspirations of the other ethnic groups in Balochistan as an outcome of foreign patronage. This is the same mindset that the army displayed with regard to Bengali nationalism. The establishment has ignored the fact that the main grievances of these ethnic groups has been and is the Punjabi domination of Pakistan through the army and the bureaucracy.

Only a political solution assisted by empowered political forces is the ultimate answer to the ethnic tensions in Balochistan. Such a solution may be a tall order in the current geo-strategic and political environment, but it is the only way out of the Baloch insurgency.

Until that change takes place, however, moderate Baloch and Pakhtun political forces in Balochistan should call a grand jirga in accordance with Baloch and Pakhtun traditions and build public pressure on the Baloch militants to persuade them to spare the Punjabi- and Urdu-speaking residents of the province.

The moderate Baloch forces need to challenge the militants' search for an "ideal Balochistan" where ethnic minorities would have no place.